Strabo’s ‘Geography’: A Translation for the Modern World 
translated by Sarah Pothecary.
Princeton, 1062 pp., £55, August 2024, 978 0 691 24313 9
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The compound wordkolossourgia, ‘monumental composition’, is found only once in extant ancient Greek, in a ringing sentence composed by Strabo of Amaseia. He uses it to convey the scope and technique of his Geographica, an atlas in written form describing all the lands known to the Greeks and Romans of his day. In a passage introducing the work, Strabo invokes the analogy of gigantic sculptures such as the Colossus of Rhodes. ‘Just as in colossal statues one does not seek accurate detail but focuses rather on the general question of whether the work as a whole is well executed,’ Strabo writes (in Sarah Pothecary’s translation), ‘so one should exercise similar judgment in the case of this work. It, too, is a colossus [kolossourgia], dealing with mega-issues and general matters.’ He concludes by making an even grander claim for what his work will accomplish: ‘The task before me is a serious one, and one that befits a philosopher.’

The era in which Strabo lived, the saddle between the first centuries bc and ad, was highly receptive to kolossourgiai. The Rhodians’ monument to their patron deity, Helios, was in ruins by that time, destroyed by an earthquake, but in Rome, where Strabo spent his twenties and to which he returned in his fifties or sixties, another colossal work was taking shape. In the late first century bc, Marcus Agrippa, right-hand man to the emperor Augustus, commissioned an enormous display (whether made by paint or engraving is unclear) of the entire orbis terrarum, the part of the globe then known. This hugely ambitious map, rectangular in shape and perhaps as large as sixty feet long, occupied a wall in the highly public Portico of Vipsania (named for Agrippa’s sister). Completed by Augustus after Agrippa’s death, it later disappeared without a trace, but Strabo almost certainly made use of it when composing the Geographica, and through him it was passed on to the makers of medieval mappae mundi and authors of early cosmographies.

The Augustan Romans, masters of a tricontinental empire, had need of works like Agrippa’s orbis terrarum and Strabo’s Geographica that could help them conceptualise their vast domain. A Greek who wrote only in Greek, Strabo addressed himself largely to bilingual Roman readers and especially to those he calls hoi prattontes, ‘the doers’, perhaps best translated as ‘the movers and shakers’. These elite males, he assumes, will need detailed knowledge of the world in order to manage or appropriate portions of it, do business within it or lead armies into its as yet un-Romanised areas. Despite the claim of his introduction that philosophers will benefit from his work, his primary interests are practical, not philosophical. Yet he does take an interest in theoretical questions in his first two books (out of seventeen), including the possibility of other ‘worlds’ beyond that formed by Europe, Asia and Africa. At one point he mentions a notion, derived from the Hellenistic geographer Hipparchus, that there may be humans living as far south as the equator, a realm that, for him, was as inaccessible as an alien planet. But then he turns aside from speculation: ‘Even if these parts are inhabited, as some suppose, they nevertheless form … a lived-in world that is not part of our lived-in world. He who describes the world pays attention only to this, our own lived-in world.’

The Geographica was an important reference work for Byzantine scholars and scientists, complementing the more authoritative but less entertaining works of Ptolemy. The Greek humanist Gemistos Plethon brought a copy of Strabo with him to the 1439 ecumenical council in Florence that attempted a reunification of eastern and western churches; he lectured on Strabo to Florentines between council sessions. In this way Strabo’s rather egregious overestimate of the eastern extension of Asia may have reached the ears of the mathematician and cosmographer Paolo Toscanelli, who decades later transmitted it to Christopher Columbus. If so, Strabo’s greatest impact on subsequent ages came from one of his greatest errors.

What interest does Strabo hold for readers who can instantly view all parts of the globe online? According to Pothecary’s subtitle, her doorstopper is ‘a translation for the modern world’, but she seems unclear as to how it is ‘for’ that readership. In an introductory note she concedes that the phrase ‘from the modern world’ would have been no less appropriate, since this edition ‘allows readers to travel back in time and find out what Strabo says about areas of the world now known by different names’. The slide from currency to historical interest starts to blur the book’s raison d’être, and things get blurrier still a few paragraphs on. ‘There is a sort of built-in redundancy to the subtitle “A Translation for the Modern World”,’ Pothecary writes, referring to the changes that constantly redraw our political maps. ‘The modern world of the title will become as outdated as the world described by Strabo.’ This seems to make Strabo not modern at all but the focus of antiquarian obsession.

Perhaps the best argument for this new Geographica is its reliance on a recently improved Greek text, the four-volume edition completed by the German scholar Stefan Radt in 2011, though even in this it is not unique; another specialist in ancient geography, Duane Roller, also made use of Radt’s edition for his 2014 translation, though he did not adopt it exclusively as Pothecary has done. In any case the textual improvements that Pothecary’s edition has made are outweighed by the difficulties it introduces, both by way of the translation itself and by the needlessly complex apparatuses that precede, surround and undergird it.

Translations of ancient authors are always in need of retooling, but prose authors employing a plain, declarative style stand in much less need of updating than, say, Homer (whose epics seem to appear in new versions every month). Pothecary’s translation of Strabo is eminently readable, sometimes lively, and better in some places than Roller’s; but neither Pothecary nor Roller surpasses the clarity and naturalness attained by Horace Leonard Jones in the Loeb Classical Library edition, completed in 1930. Pothecary also has certain peculiar locutions, including one ‘mega-issue’ (to borrow the oddity quoted above) that creates a recurring distraction. In scores of passages Strabo uses the Greek geographical term oikoumenê to refer to the landmass formed by Europe, Asia and Africa; nearly every English translator renders the term ‘inhabited world’. Pothecary has opted for ‘lived-in’ rather than ‘inhabited’. Since ‘lived-in’ implies deterioration with age, a reader of this Geographica might well imagine a world that is wearing out from overuse – increasingly accurate, perhaps, but not what Strabo intended.

The principal challenge for any translator of Strabo is the toponyms and ethnonyms that make up the tissue of his text. Some have easy English equivalents – Nile for Neilus, Egypt for Aegyptus – while others present stickier problems, especially those that cannot be securely identified with a modern place. Pothecary includes a running set of equivalences, telling us, for example, that Strabo’s Euenus river is the modern Phidaris (in western Greece) or that the Phoenician city of Marathus, already in ruins in Strabo’s time, lies in modern Syria and is called Amrit. A few of these tags are opaque; Meroë, for instance, a city on the upper Nile, is here explained as ‘region of Bagrawiya (Sud.)’, which will only make sense to those familiar with modern Sudan. A broader concern though is the book’s constant one-to-one mapping of our world onto the ‘outdated’ world described by Strabo. By placing these tags next to the text, rather than in footnotes or (as Roller and Radt did) in a separate volume, Pothecary makes the reading experience much more like an exercise in cartography than Strabo, who aimed to interest ‘the philosopher’, might have preferred. Her set of equivalences clearly results from long and intensive research, but most of the tags will only be recognisable, never mind meaningful, to those consulting an atlas as they read.

These cartographic identifiers are one of several elements found in the margins of this edition, in a layout that crowds Strabo’s text into less than half the page width. In an ill-conceived effort to keep the reader informed on multiple levels at every turn, Pothecary has created three separate columns of marginal notes and used two of the three for multiple purposes. Mixed in with the tags to the right of the text are explanations of historical references or terms, some of them otiose (‘oracle, instruction from the gods’). Further to the right are the book, chapter and section citations denoting one’s place in the text. To the left is a second indexing scheme, based on the so-called Casaubon numbers imposed by a 16th-century editor. But mingled with these are other notes telling us the dates of figures mentioned by Strabo, explaining terms and giving additional cartographic tags in places where the righthand margin has become too crowded. Add to this melange a set of footnotes on nearly every page, cross-referencing other parts of the work, and information oppression sets in very quickly. In an effort to accommodate all four non-text columns, the book’s designer has resorted to a font size that, for readers whose eyes are no longer sharp, may induce mild feelings of panic.

The same small font has been used for the indices, inexplicably since these pages offered plenty of room. Since many who consult Strabo’s work will be using it as a reference, to look up a particular topic or place, the difficulties these indices present do a grave disservice to the entire volume. Here again Pothecary has made inexplicable choices, supplying Casaubon citations instead of page numbers to guide the reader to a point in the text. To find Strabo’s sole mention of Boeoti (a town in the Peloponnese), we are directed to ‘360C, 10-16’ rather than to page 427. After a while one learns how to find such a place by consulting the book’s outer margins, but the instinct to look instead at the bottom corners is hard to overcome.

Pothecary is clearly eager for us to immerse ourselves in Strabo as fully as she is immersed. At points along the way in the text she inserts tinted boxes with the heading ‘Remember’, reminding us of the various aids to comprehension she has devised as well as directing us back to her prefatory ‘Special Features of this Translation’ and ‘A User’s Guide’. Her multiple levels of explication may indeed be suitable ‘for the modern world’, a world that is learning to cope with barrages of data arriving constantly from numerous sources. But one need not be a Luddite to feel that, in this noisy edition of Strabo, overloaded even for a kolossourgia, modernity has got out of hand.

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Vol. 47 No. 6 · 3 April 2025

James Romm, in his review of my translation of Strabo’s Geographica, speculates that ‘Strabo’s rather egregious overestimate of the eastern extension of Asia’ may have been transmitted to Christopher Columbus, which would mean that ‘Strabo’s greatest impact on subsequent ages came from one of his greatest errors’ (LRB, 20 February). I would like to rescue Strabo from Romm’s charge and to suggest that Columbus and his advisers were guilty of a highly selective reading of Strabo’s work.

For Strabo, Asia extended no further east (the use of the term ‘east’ reflects Strabo’s Mediterranean perspective) than what is now Bangladesh. The landmass and islands occupied by Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia etc simply did not exist. Instead, Strabo believed it was possible to sail north-west from what is now Bangladesh into the northern end of the Caspian Sea (mistakenly believed to be a gulf), along a supposed ocean shore that mimicked the European coast of the Atlantic in the west. Most of China, all of Mongolia and most of Russia were also omitted from his worldview. In the sense of geographical landmass, then, Strabo severely underestimated the eastward extent of Asia.

Does Romm mean that Strabo overestimated the eastern extent of this truncated version of the lived-in world? In assessing whether this is so, we are helped by the fact that Strabo and other ancient geographers were very interested in establishing the ratio between the lived-in world and the spherical world. To find this ratio, they estimated the span of the lived-in world from west to east along the line of latitude passing approximately through Athens and Rhodes, then divided it by an estimate of the circumference of the world at the same latitude.

Strabo believed that the promontory in south-west Portugal now called Cabo de São Vicente constituted the western point of the lived-in world and Bangladesh the eastern point. This eastern point was something of an imagined construct, but its salient feature was that it ended just east of the Ganges delta. Strabo gives the distance between these two points as seventy thousand stades. He adopts from an earlier writer, Eratosthenes, the figure of 252,000 stades for the circumference of the Earth. This would be the circumference at the equator. The circumference at the latitude along which Strabo measures this west-east route would be less: about 204,000 stades. Strabo’s lived-in world would therefore represent about a third of the distance around the Earth. It is true that this would be a slight overestimate of the actual ratio: it means that Strabo effectively puts the eastern point of the lived-in world at around the longitude of what is now Guangzhou in China. This error is not, however, egregious enough to be responsible for Columbus’s mistaken belief that, in reaching the Caribbean, he had reached Asia.

Strabo’s use of Eratosthenes’ data would be the equivalent of scientists today using data from 1775, an indication of how much slower the pace of scientific progress was in his day. We do not have the relevant works of Eratosthenes – and neither did Columbus – but we do have Strabo’s comments on them. From him, we learn that Eratosthenes used a slightly higher figure, 77,800 stades, than Strabo later did for the west-east dimension of the lived-in world; that Eratosthenes believed this represented ‘more than a third’ of the circumference of the Earth at the relevant latitude, and that ‘if the immensity of the Atlantic Ocean did not prevent it, we could sail from Iberia to India along the same parallel.’ Eratosthenes’ words may have spurred Columbus to undertake his voyage across the Atlantic but his overestimate of the extent of the lived-in world is not sufficient to explain Columbus’s belief that his fleet had reached Asia.

Perhaps more important, Eratosthenes deduced that the northern hemisphere was climatically habitable all the way around, even in the half not occupied by what Strabo calls ‘our’ lived-in world. This leads to Strabo’s prescient statement: ‘It is possible that there are two or more lived-in worlds within the same temperate zone, especially in the vicinity of the Athens parallel where it is drawn through the Atlantic Ocean.’ In other words, Strabo is open to the possible existence of what we now call North America. This is the passage of his work that Columbus should have noted.

Strabo is adamant that any lived-in world across the Atlantic would be a different lived-in world from ‘the world we live in and know’. He believes that, if a world does exist there, ‘it is not lived in by those people who live in our world’ but ‘rather, that other lived-in world would have to be considered a separate one.’ For Strabo, lived-in worlds that are different from ours need not even be separated from us by the Atlantic Ocean. He is open to the suggestion that there is a lived-in world at the equator, and therefore south of our lived-in world, but insists that it would still have to be considered a different entity from ‘our own lived-in world’.

Strabo’s belief in multiple lived-in worlds illustrates that, for him, each world is the product and creation of the people who live in it. As a consequence, I prefer the translation ‘lived-in world’ over the more traditional ‘inhabited world’. It better conveys the sense of interaction and reciprocity between people and the world in which they operate. Romm objects that the term has overtones of being worn out. That reading of the term at least reflects a sense of human agency. But Strabo’s lived-in world is far from worn out: it is a vibrant place, which is the sense I hoped to get across.

Eratosthenes’ figure for the circumference of the earth at the equator was not the only figure mooted by scholars before Strabo. Lower figures were also doing the rounds. Posidonius, at work some sixty or seventy years before Strabo, suggested two alternative figures: 240,000 stades or 180,000 stades. We don’t have Posidonius’ work (neither did Columbus), but these are the figures attributed to Posidonius by Strabo and other writers. Using the lower of his two figures for the circumference of the Earth at the equator, Posidonius apparently did the same calculation as Eratosthenes had done to find the ratio of the lived-in world to the spherical world. He seems to have assumed that the west-east dimension of the lived-in world was much the same as Strabo later made it, and that the circumference of the Athens/Rhodes line of latitude would work out at around 145,000 stades. This would make sense of Strabo’s statement that Posidonius ‘thinks that the length of the lived-in world, being some seven myriad [seventy thousand] stades, accounts for half the entire parallel circle along which it is drawn, with the result … that if you were to sail from the west with an easterly wind, you would reach the Indians within the same number [of stades]’.

This is the passage that is probably responsible for Columbus’s mistaken belief that in reaching the Caribbean he had reached Asia. That belief was not, however, based on Strabo’s calculations, in which some two-thirds of the northern hemisphere would have to be sailed across before reaching Asia by sailing westwards from Portugal, with the added possibility of encountering other lived-in worlds en route. Rather, it was based on the smaller figure given by Posidonius, as relayed but not condoned by Strabo.

There is an unfortunate tendency in Strabonian scholarship to use ‘Strabo says’ to mean ‘there is a statement in Strabo’s work to the effect that …’ In my translation, I make strenuous efforts to differentiate the two types of statement. For example, in the two cardinal passages discussed above in which Strabo represents the views of Eratosthenes and Posidonius, I use italics to indicate that Strabo is voicing the opinions of writers other than himself.

So far as we can tell from the report of Columbus’s son Fernando, the two passages in which Strabo details the views of Eratosthenes and Posidonius were known to Columbus and were among those passages from antiquity that motivated him to make his voyage across the Atlantic. But when it comes to allocating blame for Columbus’s confusion as to where he landed, Strabo is merely the messenger.

I hope that the headings, margin comments and varied fonts used in my translation will help readers better to distinguish between Strabo’s own views and those of earlier scholars. If you find, as Romm does, the pages too cluttered, stay tuned. I am thinking about producing a shorter, more portable paperback version in which the marginal notation is sacrificed so that each page carries only the words of the translation. I am not sure the font size will be any different, however. As it is, the font is no smaller than the font in the H.L. Jones (1917-32) translation preferred by Romm. Neither is it any smaller than the font in Romm’s review in the LRB. But for those ‘whose eyes are no longer sharp’, one option is to download the e-book of my translation from the Princeton University Press website and enlarge it onscreen to whatever size is desired.

Sarah Pothecary
Toronto

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