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Plague Writing in Early Modern England 
by Ernest Gilman.
Chicago, 295 pp., £24, June 2009, 978 0 226 29409 4
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Alongside the burial record for Oliver Gunne, an apprentice who died in Stratford-upon-Avon in July 1564, are the words hic incepit pestis: ‘Here begins the plague.’ ‘God’s tokens’, the black or purplish spots that were a telltale sign of bubonic plague, had presumably been found on Gunne’s body. Over the previous six months, the vicar of Holy Trinity Church had registered a score of burials; in a town of just under 1500 inhabitants, that was more or less what would be expected. But in the half-year that followed he recorded more than 200 burials, a seventh of Stratford’s population. The plague’s fatality rate ranged from 50 per cent to 80 per cent, so as many as one in four townsfolk may have been infected. Women, who tended to the sick, suffered disproportionately, as did the old and the young.

Three months before plague struck Stratford, a young woman named Mary gave birth there to a son, William. She and her husband had lost their first two children, Joan and Margaret, in infancy. The prospects for their newborn’s survival – and perhaps their own – must have seemed grim. Just a few doors down from their home on Henley Street, their neighbours the Greens would lose four of their children to the epidemic. Windows were sealed, doors shut, prayers uttered, remedies sought (onions were peeled and scattered on the ground; dried rosemary, burned in a chafing dish, was also thought to help ward off the pestilence).

William Shakespeare survived and may even have developed immunity to plague, for he subsequently lived through a virulent outbreak in London in 1592-93 that swept away 10,500 people, and another in 1603 that killed 25,000. A string of lesser outbreaks battered London for the next eight years. Whenever deaths from plague in London rose above 30 a week – the number was later raised to 40 – the theatres were ordered shut, with the result (as Leeds Barroll showed in his groundbreaking Politics, Plague and Shakespeare’s Theatre) that from 1603 to 1610 public playhouses were probably closed two-thirds of the time.

Biographers, notably Katherine Duncan-Jones and Jonathan Bate, have struggled to determine the impact plague had on Shakespeare’s life and work. Did Shakespeare flee London during extended outbreaks, and so spend much of the first decade of the 17th century with his family in Stratford? Did he continue steadily producing two plays a year even when the Globe was closed for long stretches, or did he prefer to write them in inspired bunches when plague receded? Should we read the darkest of his plays – including Measure for Measure, Timon of Athens, King Lear and Macbeth – as artefacts of these plague-ridden times?

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Letters

Vol. 33 No. 8 · 14 April 2011

At the beginning of Ernest Gilman’s Plague Writing in Early Modern England James Shapiro repeats a blunder perpetrated by Jonathan Bate on the first page of his Soul of the Age (LRB, 31 March). A marginalium written by the parish clerk of Holy Trinity, Stratford, in July 1564 – ‘Hic incepit pestis – is translated by Shapiro, as by Bate, as ‘Here begins the plague,’ rather than ‘Here began the plague.’ It makes a difference. As implied by our term ‘epidemic’, early modern ‘plague’ was defined not by one death, but by a critical mass of deaths in the course of a week or a month which were apparently caused by ‘infection’. In July 1564 no doubt the body of the apprentice Oliver Gunne exhibited ‘tokens’ of plague. But only after a substantial number of further deaths could the clerk, a careful chronicler of his community, conclude that Gunne’s death had marked the beginning of that summer’s plague. The reading of incepit as if it meant the same as incipit puts the honest clerk in the absurd position of a prophet with foreknowledge of the two hundred or so further deaths that were to occur in the parish that summer. It also highlights a worrying decline in the knowledge of basic Latin among early modernists.

I’m not happy, either, at being bracketed with Bate as someone who has ‘struggled to determine the impact plague had on Shakespeare’s life and work’. I would have preferred a word such as ‘engaged’, rather than ‘struggled’. Coming at Shakespeare via his non-dramatic writings – two long narrative poems and the Sonnets – I have been unusually well situated to consider the fact that all three works were published, through the poet’s own agency, during plague outbreaks which had caused London’s playhouses to be closed. To that extent the impact of plague on Shakespeare’s career is manifest. Had the theatres never reopened, he would have written, and published, many more non-dramatic poems. Plague also had more impact on Shakespeare’s dramatic writings than Shapiro acknowledges. In Romeo and Juliet, possibly one of the first of Shakespeare’s new plays to be performed in the blessedly plague-free summer of 1595, plague, and civic measures to control its spread, prevent Romeo from receiving Friar Laurence’s letter about plans to fake Juliet’s death. In this sense it is bodily plague, not just the metaphorical ‘plague’ of passionate love, that triggers the play’s woeful conclusion.

Katherine Duncan-Jones
University of Oxford

Vol. 33 No. 9 · 28 April 2011

Katherine Duncan-Jones writes ‘had the theatres never reopened’ after being closed because of plague, Shakespeare ‘would have written, and published, many more non-dramatic poems’ (Letters, 14 April). This is no more than a guess. He might just as well have returned to Stratford disillusioned with the literary and theatrical profession and taken up, or resumed, his father’s craft of glover. Or have become a soldier, sailor, tinker, tailor or even a country schoolmaster. Moreover, informing us how ‘unusually well situated’ she is to assess the impact of the plague on Shakespeare’s writings, Duncan-Jones writes of the ‘fact’ that the narrative poems and the Sonnets were published ‘through the poet’s own agency’. So far as the Sonnets are concerned this is not a fact but a hypothesis espoused and expounded by Duncan-Jones and based on a dubious interpretation of the evidence. As she writes of her correction of James Shapiro and Jonathan Bate, ‘it makes a difference.’

Stanley Wells
Stratford-upon-Avon

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