‘The fish rots from the head’
Musab Younis
It might seem bizarre to blame the murder of the French schoolteacher Samuel Paty on a nebulous conspiracy of leftist academics, given that the perpetrator, Abdoullakh Abouyedovich Anzorov, was an 18-year-old who had never been to university. But earlier this month in Le Monde, 100 French academics gave their backing to Jean-Michel Blanquer, the education minister, when he responded to the murder with a flood of invective against universities. ‘Islamo-leftism is wreaking havoc,’ he said. Paty’s murderer had been ‘conditioned by people who encourage’ a type of ‘intellectual radicalism’ and promote ‘ideas that often come from elsewhere’, i.e. from across the Atlantic. ‘The fish rots from the head,’ he added darkly.
Blanquer was following the example of the president of the republic. ‘Academia is guilty,’ Macron said in June, because ‘it has encouraged ethnicisation of the social question’, leading to the spread of ‘secessionist’ views. This ideological critique formed the basis for a recent law targeting ‘separatism’, one of the few government initiatives to have survived Covid-19. The academics writing to Le Monde after the murder of Samuel Paty agreed. They lamented the ‘racialist and “decolonial” ideologies (transferred from North American campuses)’ that are ‘feeding a hatred of “whites” and of France’. And they demanded the Ministry of Education ‘put in place measures to detect Islamist tendencies’ at universities, ‘to engage our universities in this fight for secularism and the Republic’.
These may appear to be interventions in a peculiarly French culture war: a combined spectre of ‘anti-white racism’, a ‘Muslim problem’ and pernicious American influence is, for many in France, an irresistible combination. But there are plenty of global parallels. In September, Donald Trump issued a directive to stop federal organisations delivering anti-bias training that drew on ‘critical race theory’ or ‘white privilege’ because they were ‘un-American propaganda training sessions’. In South Africa, Helen Zille, the former leader of the Democratic Alliance, has often attacked ‘critical race theory’, which she calls ‘a new set of ideas rooted in Frantz Fanon’s writings’. Last month, the UK women and equalities minister, Kemi Badenoch, claimed in the House of Commons that teaching ‘elements of critical race theory’ in schools – in particular, ‘white privilege and inherited racial guilt’ – was illegal.
You could respond by pointing out the inaccuracy of these assertions. ‘Critical race theory’ isn’t a radical new academic doctrine, but the name given to a specific set of interventions in American legal theory that sought to show how racism could be entrenched in the law. The first annual Workshop on Critical Race Theory was held in 1989 and drew on research going back to the 1960s. Most contemporary scholars researching race and racism – whether writing about Shakespeare or the World Trade Organisation – don’t use the term ‘critical race theory’ to describe their work. The critical study of whiteness is a centuries-old tradition among black intellectuals, going back at least to Frederick Douglass. The term ‘white privilege’ was coined by Peggy McIntosh in 1988 (it is not new, did not come from critical race theory in American legal studies, and is not particularly reflective of current scholarship on whiteness). And, far from being taken over by scholarship on racism and postcolonialism, French academia has been famously hostile to it: graduate students interested in those topics have often had to emigrate. For a political project that targets intellectuals, though, these details are beside the point. The term ‘critical race theory’, like ‘postmodernism’, is now in the hands of its self-professed enemies, who are not especially interested in its relation to actually existing scholarship.
There’s nothing new about seeing universities as nurseries of radicalism. As the signatories of two open letters in response to Le Monde pointed out, ‘islamo-leftism’ sounds remarkably like ‘Judeo-Bolshevism’: both terms conjure a dubiously semitic, dangerously powerful minority in bed with left-wing intellectuals. In Britain, hostility to universities is so prevalent among Conservatives that it was recently described as the party’s ‘new Euroscepticism’ by Jo Johnson, the former universities minister. Erdoğan’s Turkey and Modi’s India – to take just two notable examples – have targeted university students and faculty in their campaigns of mastery over Kurdistan and Kashmir.
Many academics have risen to the defence of their colleagues. But some, like those who wrote to Le Monde, are doing the opposite: openly backing the suppression of bodies of research they don’t like. Eric Kaufmann, who teaches politics at Birkbeck, suggests ‘we should applaud’ Trump’s order banning critical race theory. In France, the Conference of University Presidents and the main students’ union, UNEF, condemned Blanquer’s remarks as ridiculous and irresponsible. But a right-wing students’ association, the Union Nationale Interuniversitaire, was delighted. It asked only that Blanquer go further. ‘Now that we agree on the Islamo-leftism of the UNEF and its hatred of everything that makes France,’ they said, ‘can we talk about the hundreds of thousands of euros of public subsidies that UNEF has been receiving for decades?’
Comments
This is not actually true. White privilege (or white-skin privilege) was current in American Maoist circles at least as early as 1967-68 and continued to be a sore-point between different factions up to the mid-1970s and beyond (the reference I have of the top of my head is a polemic against the idea from 1975 entitled 'Carl Davidson: the creature from the "white skin privilege" lagoon' https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-3/creature.htm). When the New Communist Movement collapsed, mainly due to Nixon's deal with the Chinese, many of its luminaries wound up as liberal academics of one sort or another, and some individuals form a kind of bridge between the 68ers and the CRT people (Noel Ignatiev, for example, who wrote a famous article on the 'white blindspot' in the late 1960s and went on to found the Race Traitor journal).
Frankly I'm amazed that these right-wing blowhards don't make more of this connection, preferring instead to raise the phantom of 'cultural Marxism'. I suppose it is because white privilege theory has largely outlived the fissile Maoist sects that used to argue over it (though the organisation that produced the article linked above still exists as a bizarre personality cult), and its modern proponents are plainly not Maoists, whereas they *could* be secret initiates of some pseudo-Masonic conspiracy of 'cultural Marxists'.
Also as it happens, after moving from the UK to the US and living there for many years (where I taught feminist theory among other things), I moved to France and am now a French citizen. I can certainly testify to the knee-jerk anti-Americanism of many French academics (whatever their politics), and also to the conviction that 'becoming French' requires rejecting your former culture - that French culture is a precious gift bestowed on the deserving but benighted immigrant. Anecdotally, I recall having an argument some time ago with one of the people who signed the Manifesto of 100, who was convinced that living in France meant recognizing that French culture and values were superior and superseded everything else. (This was in the context of a government proposal to offer Arabic classes in the schools, which he vehemently opposed.) But when I said that I didn't see why I should reject Shakespeare and Purcell, or for that matter the Beatles and Martin Amis, he was quite taken aback - he knew perfectly well that he was arguing with a white 'Anglo-Saxon', but his entire position presupposed that the newly French person was Arab, African, or from some other place with no 'culture' to speak of. A purely colonial attitude, as Raul Zweiregen points out. He literally had no answer to my objection, since he knew perfectly well that he couldn't say 'Oh, but I didn't mean you' without exposing himself as a hypocrite.
Of course not everyone is such a die-hard, and the whole subject generates such a range of opinions that it's very hard to generalise. But the fortress mentality certainly gets a lot of space in the media.
And they're going to stop if academics stop researching race issues and colonialism?
I somehow doubt both these claims. The latter sounds infantile to me, while the former sounds racist quite frankly.
Yes, I guess that the perpetrator was fully immersed in the study of both - that must explain everything.
If only we could stop that kind of research/teaching, then the world would be in peace at last...
In the Paty murder the case, there is no need to wait for years because of the extraordinary Le Monde investigation https://www.lemonde.fr/police-justice/video/2020/11/16/attentat-de-conflans-le-parcours-d-une-rumeur-l-itineraire-du-tueur_6059947_1653578.html
It reveals that the reported facts (girl in tears reports seeing naked Muhammad, outraged parent calls on community support ...) were 100% false (girl did not attend school that day; the father was in the agitation business...) . It is true that it was in the NYT /Washington Post that the story became "French police kills Muslim" but islamo-gauchisme really exists as is apparent most obviously in the received & transmitted history of Algeria: in which the Algerians killed by the Paras receive equal time with the Algerians killed by the FLN insurgents & then by the FLN in power , thereby equating 1 to 20, and then 1 to 100 ...
in point of fact, the phrase 'white skin privilege' is used in the 1967 paper, 'White Blindspot' presented by Noel Ignatin and Ted Allen to the Students for a Democratic Society (sds), in which they cite prior use by WEB DuBois and K Marx, among others. So earlier than 1988.
What has also been consistently criticised from the left is the moralism that that bringing the testimony and actions of oppressed subjects under the purview of rational and critical scrutiny is a form of symbolic violence. And it is precisely this that the authors of the Le Monde screed have (albeit in a manner that would benefit from far more nuance) in their sights. The attack on the academic left from the right is clearly opportunistic, disingenuous and would be plainly laughable ('Cultural Marxism' and Adorno, Horkheimer et al as the granddaddy's of 'woke intersectionalists'? Please..) were it not part of an agenda to administer the last rites to public higher education.
But that doesn't mean that there is not a real problem on parts of the left (both liberal and radical), one that has metastasised over the last decade or so. Where free speech, schismatic moralising, and apologetics for regressive tendencies (like Islamism) in the name of antiracism and anti-imperialism are concerned, this left has not covered itself in glory and is deserving of criticism - from the left.
Those like Yousab Younis who push back against calls for academic censorship are absolutely right. The suggestion that the postmodern Anglo left thought leads inexorably to tacit support for Islamist violence is crude to say the least. But whilst the actual ideas are for more variegated than their critics would allow, they can be interpreted and deployed in a form of political discourse that is itself censorious, demanding ideological conformity.
The defence of the right to teach these ideas in universities is mounted in the name of an emancipatory politics. Rightly so. The inability, however, to register that there has been/is anything problematic in their real-world uptake in universities and beyond, or to acknowledge the validity of any criticism - indeed to find only confirmation of the original charge in said criticism - is the lacuna in the defence.
Thanks for the excellent article Prof. Younis