The Biden Factor
Eli Zaretsky
During the US presidential debate last Thursday night something predicted and feared occurred: not that Biden performed poorly but that he was clearly out of his element. From the very first moment he seemed frightened, confused and out of place. He repeatedly garbled answers and slurred words. ‘Senior moments’ are certainly familiar to me, but that does not describe Biden’s trailing sentences, vacant stares and confusion. The immediate takeaway was that the Biden camp has been obfuscating the president’s decline. While this is a pattern in American politics – as with Franklin Roosevelt’s wheelchair or Jack Kennedy’s back problems – it is more serious when the problem is cognitive. Growing numbers of Democrats have called for Biden to step aside, but for the moment this does not seem likely. Meanwhile, it is worth pausing to ask how it came about that Biden is able to hold the party hostage, especially in the face of what it repeatedly defines as a quasi-fascist threat.
The immediate roots of the debacle lie in the process by which Biden secured his nomination in 2020. The party did everything it could to stop Bernie Sanders. Sanders won the popular vote in the first three primaries – Iowa, New Hampshire and Nevada – although Pete Buttigieg ran him close in Iowa and New Hampshire. By contrast, there was little enthusiasm for Biden. Before the South Carolina primary on 29 February, Sanders had secured 45 delegates to Biden’s fifteen. Polling showed Sanders leading in most of the sixteen Super Tuesday states that lay ahead, though not in South Carolina.His greatest weakness was among older Black voters. Biden, with the endorsement of Representative James Clyburn, decisively won the South Carolina primary. Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar immediately dropped out of the race and endorsed Biden, who went on to be nominated.
To be sure, Biden went on to beat Trump and to have a relatively successful presidency, at least in his first two years. As Walter Benjamin reminds us, however, we should be wary of writing history from the perspective of the victors. In my view, something died in the Democratic Party with the subversion of the Sanders campaign. Sanders himself was muted, and hopes for substantial change, centred on young people, were staunched. An event like that is like a maelstrom; events flow in and other events flow out, but the real action takes place beneath the surface. As is common when a sitting president runs for re-election, Biden was essentially unchallenged in the primaries this year. The party is running a one-issue campaign yet again: Donald Trump.
This self-made disaster should be put in a larger context: the project of the Democratic Party is to keep the left out of power, even when this conflicts with the party’s self-interest. The roots of this project lie in the origins of America’s two-party system in the Jacksonian era. The purpose of a two-party system was, as Martin Van Buren said, to avoid ‘geographical divisions founded on local interests or, what is worse, prejudices between free and slaveholding states’. Since that time there has been only one period in which the United States might have developed a left-wing party: the 1930s and early 1940s. That was also the only period in American history that saw redistribution of wealth. Today’s Democratic Party was formed as a reaction against the New Deal. We saw the image of its spirit in the film Oppenheimer, when Harry Truman (played by Gary Oldman), confronted with an argument that questions the premises of the Cold War, says: ‘Get that cry-baby out of my office.’ Whether there is a way out of the current impasse remains unclear.
Comments
Login or register to post a commentThe Democrats are running an anti-Trump campaign because at every election since 2020 this has worked for them. They won the midterms; in 2023 "the party outperformed the partisan lean by an average of 10 percent".
Both were disastrous bets from the start.
Trump's second term will make his first seem benign. Thank you, Democrats.
Second, we need to worry about the party's identity. Right now it is empty because it has suppressed its left. you have the same problem here with Starmer. Winning is important but it is not the only consideration.
The initial commenter also assumes the enduring strength of the Democrats and an anti-Trump messaging, rather than some fortuitous bumps that helped put them over the top in recent elections (Trump's handling of the pandemic, if that hasn't disappeared into the mist of forgetting, or the end of Roe v. Wade). But more than just Biden's historically dismal approval rating, or the post-debate cracks in the façade of liberal and centrist confidence, or the betrayal felt by more left-leaning youth, the Democratic Party must contend with the not negligible leaking away of black and latino support (despite the quibbles about differing polls). Along with those union carpenters, and large sectors of the working class more generally. The percentage of youth who are not just disappointed with Biden, but supportive of Trump, has also grown more than the confident Democratic "we" would suggest. The other lesson would be Macron, who repeatedly ran on the unique threat posed by Marie Le Pen and the RN, while he continued to track right and attack the left. They thought that move would work well until it didn't.