Hollow Point
Tom Stevenson
For Britain’s defence intelligentsia, a new government means new opportunities. Keir Starmer has made an ‘iron clad’ commitment to increase military spending and to ‘make sure our hollowed-out armed forces are bolstered and respected’. But in the run-up to the general election, and since, there has been a concerted effort to solicit the new government for even more.
Earlier this month, the director of military sciences at the Royal United Services Institute, Matthew Savill, published a paper, ‘A Hollow Force?’, arguing that Britain’s armed forces are in need of serious attention. The idea that they have been hollowed out has some obvious validity (even if it is borrowed from the Conservative former defence secretary Ben Wallace). The navy has two aircraft carriers but only enough deployable vessels to form one carrier group. The army doesn’t have sufficient tanks, self-propelled artillery or combat engineers to form the armoured divisions it thinks it should have.
For Savill this is a matter of urgency because Britain faces a rogues’ gallery of threats, ‘with Russia and China in the vanguard, Iran and North Korea following close behind, and non-state groups like Yemen’s Houthis filling in the gaps’. How can the UK claim to be a ‘leading country in Nato’, Savill asks, if its military is ‘less than the sum of its parts’?
During the general election campaign, the former head of the Secretary of State’s Office for Net Assessment and Challenge (SONAC), Rob Johnson, said that Britain’s ‘defences are too thin’ and the armed forces ‘cannot defend the British homelands’. Spending 3 per cent of GDP ‘at a minimum’ was needed to get the house in order.
Last month, General Patrick Sanders marked his retirement as chief of the general staff by giving an exit interview to the Timesin which he said the armed forces were ‘worn down’ and ammunition stockpiles ‘dangerously low’. Starmer’s decision to maintain the Conservative government’s pledge that military spending would rise to 2.5 per cent of GDP was not enough, Sanders said. ‘Closer to 3 per cent’ of GDP was needed because Russia, China and Iran were ‘new axis powers’ representing a threat ‘more dangerous’ than Nazi Germany.
Britain’s defence intellectuals like to pose as bold dissidents speaking hard truths. But their recommendations are formulaic, if not identical: an incipient crisis in the military, a lack of equipment and a cluster of dangerous enemies mean that Britain should greatly increase military spending, ideally to 3 per cent of GDP or more (even as the chancellor warns that the nation’s finances are in a far worse state than previously thought).
Given the poverty of foreign policy discussion in Britain, this is hardly surprising. If there are no schools of security thought here, it is because there is no serious debate on any of the substantive topics. The role of the defence intelligentsia is instead to agitate for higher military budgets, the better to serve US interests. The MoD established SONAC in 2022, it said, to prevent ‘groupthink’. So far it appears to have had just one thought: Britain should spend more on its military forces.
The new Labour government has gone out of its way to make clear that when it comes to foreign policy, continuity with the Conservatives is the order of the day. The secretary of defence, John Healey, made his first foreign trip to Ukraine to send a message that there would be no shift in support for the war effort there. Labour has restored funding to UNRWA, and there are reports that it may suspend some arms sales to Israel, but in most respects its approach to Israel’s attack on Gaza will be very similar to that of the last government.
In its election manifesto, Labour committed to conducting yet another Strategic Defence Review, following the 2021 Integrated Review, 2021 Defence Command Paper and 2023 Integrated Review Refresh. But Starmer intends to change so little of British foreign policy that he has retained the main foreign policy adviser to the last three Conservative prime ministers, John Bew.
The Strategic Defence Review is being led by George Robertson (Tony Blair’s first defence secretary), the retired general Richard Barrons and Fiona Hill, a former Trump adviser and John Bolton associate. Robertson celebrated his appointment by stressing that Britain faces an axis of evil like the one George W. Bush warned about, but with China and Russia taking the place of Iraq. These states, Robertson said, form ‘a deadly quartet of nations increasingly working together’.
If this is the threat justifying rearmament in Britain, it is the stuff of crackpot fantasy. A Russian army that cannot seize Kharkiv is obviously not an existential threat to Britain. And the only conceivable war between the UK and China, Iran or North Korea would be an expeditionary war chosen by the UK itself.
In reality, the UK’s geographical position makes it arguably the most secure country in Europe. It has the region’s largest military budget (the fifth largest in the world). Constant procurement scandals and wasteful mismanagement are matters of serious concern. But they do not demonstrate the need for comprehensive rearmament.
There are good reasons why states in more secure geographical and political positions (Spain, Portugal, the UK) might have smaller standing land armies. Yet prevailing attitudes in both Spain and Portugal are markedly different from those in Britain. Félix Arteaga, a senior analyst at the Elcano Royal Institute, recently complained that in Spain ‘everything to do with defence is seen as a risk.’ Britain, on the other hand, cannot escape the canard of ‘leadership’, which is held to be necessary even as it is recognised as impossible.
For many years the fashion in Britain has been for the expensive and prestigious over the cheap and effective. The former UK national security adviser Mark Sedwill recently pointed out that the US Marine Corps is 30 per cent larger than Britain’s conventional forces and has 50 per cent more aircraft, yet costs 20 per cent less.
The British government has made commitments to provide, in extremis, three divisions to a Nato land force for use in Eastern Europe. Concern about whether the British army can live up to those commitments is fair enough. But the idea that the problem might lie in the level and type of commitment, rather than in the scale of British armoured land power, is almost never addressed.
Advocates of even higher British military spending like to talk about Russia and other supposed ‘peer adversaries’. But Britain’s actual role in present military engagements is a less popular topic. The evils of China and Russia are common themes. The fact that US and European support for Israel’s assault on Gaza is basically run from British bases in Cyprus goes unmentioned.
It isn’t in the interests of the secure states of Europe’s west for there to be large wars in its east. But the conventional military balance, even excluding US forces, is already overwhelmingly in favour of Europe and against Russia. And to argue that higher military spending would automatically increase security ignores the response function of the putative enemies. Raising larger and better equipped military forces tends to inspire a corresponding increase in effort by potential adversaries. Critically, it also increases the chance that those forces will be used in ways that actually decrease security for the home population, as in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Yemen.
The intellectual environment in Britain hasn’t changed much since before the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Official enemies are inflated. Dissent, however minor, is smeared as enemy propaganda (Kremlin talking points, Chinese information warfare). Deviation from orthodox worship of American hegemony is treated as incomprehensible.
Comments
https://x.com/MarkAmesExiled/status/1184541536303898626
And this:
https://x.com/DrMatthewSweet/status/1182711977698844672
The Yalta agreement, seen from a 'realist' standpoint, stabilised international affairs in post-1945 Europe. The absence of a 'Yalta Mark II' in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet bloc in 1989-91, that is, an agreement about what Moscow's patch would be, and the quest of Washington to push its military alliance, NATO, ever eastwards, in the full knowledge that Moscow would cut up very rough at some point, has led to the current dangerous situation. This situation, including Moscow's invasion of Ukraine, could have been avoided.
I don't see Russia as a benign actor on the world stage, and its invasion of Ukraine is indeed reprehensible. Nonetheless, I don't see Russia as a threat to Europe and I feel that the bandying around of the idea that it is so, and is with China, Iran and North Korea, a member of an anti-Western bloc, is intensifying international tensions rather than reducing them.
It seems obvious that Putin's original war aim was the compete conquest of Ukraine which is why the initial attack was on Kiev. The past is not a perfect guide to the present but it is a leap of faith to believe that Putin would stop at Ukraine. And if he doesn't where would Nato draw the line?
The idea that "Hitler only wanted the German areas of Czechoslovakia" is a primary school teacher's abbreviation of what actually happened.
The Munich and Vienna accords were supported by the governments of German-Austria, Britain, France, Italy, Poland, Hungary, and the (First) Slovak Republic. I.e. all the neighbors (France undermined the Little Entende and Romania). The dismemberment of Czechoslovakia was the most spectacular failure of Wilson's post-WW1 settlement. The big powers (US, Britain, France) did not support the government in Prag and had no means of doing so anyway.
The current Ukrainian war is a straightforward Eastern expansion of NATO, which will acquire contiguous territory from Portugal to the borders of rest-Ukraine. That's why the Ukraine has been able to fight back for more than two years whereas the Prag government asked its population not to shoot back.
The Putin = Hitler trope is beloved by nationalists of all stripes but has little merit.
Ps: "Hitler" invaded Poland only after the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact.
Putin invaded Georgia only after..
Putin annexed Crimea only after..
why can't the clueless folk of 'the Ukraine' and 'rest-Ukraine' just surrender all their agency to peace-loving Kremlin chekist already ...
the difference is that the Hitler-Stalin pact forced Polen to fight on two fronts without a steady supply of weapons and support from its allies.
That's why geopolitics is important. It's like gun control in the US.
Of course it is nice that the U. S. President and the U. K. Prime Minister can exchange niceties without an interpreter, and maybe even swap stories (probably apocryphal) about the 'good old days' when the spunky little island's colonies circled the globe and contained a very significant portion of the world's people.
If the U. K. decided to "go it alone" and leave NATO (why not? They left the E.U. and Starmer shows no signs that he would even consider attempting to rejoin.) the U.S. would be very unhappy - primarily because it could signal the beginning of other "European" nations leaving - perhaps forming their own 'self-defence pact' without the inclusion of the U. S.
With the U. K. Economy, hobbled by the refusal of both Labor and the Tories, refusal to recognize that Britain has to deal with the facts that the Empire is no longer supplying it with cheap raw materials and a captive market for its manufactured goods, the drum beating about the 'almost, right around the corner" threat of an invasion from North Korea, China, Iran, or Russia - so they can control the fabulous wealth generated by the 19th century coal mines (whoops, those are gone, aren't they?) and 18th century shipyards (??) and 19th century steel mills - is beyond ridiculous.
Most people in the U. K. have been struggling to survive since they won WWII, while successive U.K. governments have tried to outdo their predecessors in becoming more loyal lapdogs to the U. S. Increasing the U. K. military budget is great for the manufacturers of weaponry but it is money completely wasted that should long ago have been repurposed for building a society with social mobility and social justice.