Business as Usual
Steven Methven
In his speech to the Labour Party conference, Keir Starmer pledged massive investment in renewable energy and a 2030 target for exclusively green energy in the UK. Accompanying this would be the formation of ‘Great British Energy’, a state-owned start-up for the ownership of green technology and energy production; the profits would be diverted to a new Sovereign Wealth Fund. Was this real? I wondered. Was the leader who had successfully routed large sections of the left from the party now grandstanding on essentially Corbynite policies?
Starmer’s speech got a rapturous reception not only in the conference hall but from the mainstream press. Gone are the days when Angela Rayner would be asked on Question Time if she planned to ‘nationalise sausages’. ‘Starmer more confident that I’ve ever seen him,’ Sky’s Beth Rigby said. ‘Hope turns to belief.’
The Labour Files, a four-part series by al-Jazeera’s Investigations Unit, was released to coincide with the conference. Based on perhaps the largest leak of internal party documents in British political history, it chronicles what it describes as the ‘lawlessness’ of the Labour Party in the years since Corbyn’s election as leader in 2015. The first episode examines the ways in which unelected staff working for the party’s general secretary sought to expel and silence Corbyn-supporting leftists. The second looks at how those same bureaucrats worked to silence supporters of Palestinian freedom. The third argues that the Labour Party supports a ‘hierarchy of racisms’ – a phrase taken from the independent Forde Report – according to which anti-Black and anti-Muslim bigotry is minimised. The fourth episode investigates claims that the party used hacked data to investigate critical members.
For those on the left of the Labour Party, the series is a visceral reminder of the hostility shown to Corbyn and his supporters by the party’s central bureaucracy, abetted by MPs and politicians on the party’s right. But it also provides documentary evidence of collusion among many of Labour’s most senior figures to undermine the possibility of a social democratic government.
To most people outside the party, though, the revelations may come as a surprise: following their concerted effort to see Corbynism discredited before the 2019 election, the media have declined to relitigate the events of those years. The long delayed and highly critical Forde Report into bullying, racism and sexism in the Labour Party was published in July – and met largely with silence. Al-Jazeera’s investigations have evaded the enthusiastic furore that attended the BBC’s controversial 2019 Panorama investigation into antisemitism in the Labour Party.
Many of the facts broadcast by al-Jazeera were already in the public domain. An internal Labour report on antisemitism, leaked to Novara Media in 2020, showed the contempt and even hatred that party officials expressed towards Corbyn and his supporters in the run up to the 2017 election. A leak to Buzzfeed in 2019 revealed that it was those officials – and not Corbyn – who had stymied attempts to investigate antisemitism in the party. Neither of these stories found their way into the mainstream media.
To an extent, and however much they matter morally, the details of the al-Jazeera documentary no longer matter politically, given the decisive victory of centrism in the Labour Party. But the series reveals an organisation that is still deeply paranoid about what its officials refer to as ‘entryism’, but others might call ‘legitimate democratic change’. Part of the fear comes from the idea that control of the party might be transferred from one group of individuals to another: during the Corbyn years, there was revulsion on the Labour right at the idea that constituencies might deselect unsatisfactory MPs, even though no MPs were in fact deselected. That same faction is now celebrating the deselection of Sam Tarry, who was sacked as a shadow minister for remarks he made on a picket line in July.
But there is also, in the leaked files, tangible terror that the party might slip from the right-of-centre ground whose supposedly homogeneous occupants – property owners, pensioners and business people – are widely believed to be the people who decide elections. That fear has now passed: as Beth Rigby put it, Starmer’s conference speech was ‘cheered to rafters even as he positions himself heir to Blair’.
With a prime minister aping Thatcher and an opposition leader mimicking Blair, a pair of impersonators reviving the political struggles of decades past, this is politics as pastiche: detached from reality, from ideas and ideology, and from the future that bears down on us. It’s disastrous, as we’ve seen from the fallout of the Tories’ ‘mini-budget’, and as we’ll continue to see as we fail to make headway towards the demands of environmental and economic security for all.
The most important resolution to come from the Labour conference was the membership’s voting, for the first time, in favour of proportional representation. No doubt the parliamentary wing of the party will reject it, now that they’re a sniff away from power under first-past-the-post. But whether electoral reform is adopted or not, it’s an acknowledgment from within the Labour Party that it can no longer bear the contradictions which emerge from its own pursuit of power.
Contradiction is a nice word for ‘lie’. Two days after Starmer’s optimistic announcement about ‘Great British Energy’, the shadow energy secretary, Jonathan Reynolds, spoke to Utility Week. The envisioned company, he said, would be less concerned with energy production than with ‘the management of the investments, which we believe are essential to unlock these markets and opportunities’. Business as usual.
Comments
Runciman's no impartial observer, he's very much invested in the status quo. So why pay so much attention to what he says ?
There's your problem right there...
The 2017 general election was their best chance, with May squeezed by UKIP and shooting herself in the foot with the Death Tax. Despite Corbyn's popularity with the young, his appeal was insufficiently broad.
Failing to learn his lesson, he proceeded to demonstrate that he couldn't live up to the foundational requirements of leadership: standing next to Union Jacks, condemning Russian murder on British soil, not attending terrorist funerals, not undermining the nuclear deterrent.
He and his followers fail to understand that radicalism is rarely accepted unless it is presented as anything but, and fronted by people who look like the Establishment. Like Atlee.
Will we get more than Starmer advertises? Perhaps; perhaps not. One thing's sure: if you wear your radical heart on your sleeve, you get nothing. You can wail about the rules, or you can play the game.