‘With Literally Nothing’
Sadakat Kadri
The Nationality and Borders Bill, lauded by Priti Patel as an end to ‘open borders and uncontrolled immigration’, has its second reading in the House of Lords tomorrow. A Home Office factsheet explains that the measure is going to ‘differentiate’ between refugees. Instead of acknowledging that people desperate enough to flee persecution often ignore barriers – a fact that has structured rules about sanctuary for centuries – it proposes to distinguish between asylum claimants ‘according to whether they arrived by safe and legal routes’. Unauthorised entry into the UK will be punishable by four years’ imprisonment. The maximum sentence for helping irregular claimants will rise from fourteen years to life. According to the home secretary, ‘the British people have had enough … of economic migrants pretending to be genuine refugees.’
In recent evidence before a House of Lords Committee, Patel tried to characterise the bill as a humanitarian reform. Traumatised victims of war and human trafficking were losing out, she said, because too many asylum applicants were arriving from countries that were already safe. The 33,000 who reached the UK last year supposedly outnumbered those in all but three EU states, while 70 per cent of the people who came in small boats were single men whose claims were bogus. ‘They are not genuine asylum seekers. They are able to pay the smugglers … elbowing out women and children.’
When the Refugee Council challenged the 70 per cent figure, Patel failed to back it up, and a parliamentary research paper says the UK isn’t the fourth most popular asylum destination by comparison to EU states, but the fourteenth: a very middling position. The home secretary’s expressed concern for women and children was also unconvincing. The Nationality and Borders Bill potentially criminalises vulnerable migrants, and it doesn’t carefully target profiteers. To facilitate convictions, it will abolish an existing provision requiring prosecutors to prove that alleged people-smugglers acted ‘for gain’.
That isn’t all that’s dubious about the home secretary’s position. In her maiden speech to parliament in 2010, she said her parents had come to England ‘with literally nothing’ before saving enough to buy their first corner shop. The claim was an exaggeration, and it has been embroidered ever since. According to a profile in the Daily Mail at the start of the Brexit campaign, Patel’s family was expelled from Uganda in 1972, ‘penniless and homeless’. Another puff-piece in the Mail, celebrating her appointment as home secretary, claimed ‘they were expelled by the murderous dictator Idi Amin in the Seventies and had all their possessions seized.’
In fact, by the time Amin told Ugandan Asians to get out within ninety days or ‘find themselves sitting on fire’, Priti Patel’s parents were long gone. Her father had been in England since 1965, having emigrated as a teenager with his own father, and he married her mother (who was from a well-to-do Ugandan family) in 1970. Priti was born in north-east London in March 1972, five months before Amin issued his ultimatum. More than 28,000 refugees then fled to the UK (assisted by a sympathetic Home Office) but Priti Patel was already part of a well-settled immigrant household.
Patel isn’t the first politician to overstate her experiences of adversity, and her opinions, at least, are consistent. She’s been an ardent nationalist since working as a press officer for James Goldsmith’s Referendum Party in the mid 1990s, and politicised patriotism runs in the family: her father contested a council seat for Ukip in 2013. The dodgy backstory matters, however, because it illustrates how hard it is to differentiate between worthy and unworthy refugees. Just as Patel’s parents escaped Uganda to improve their lives, most migrants are compelled to leave their homelands for mixed reasons: hopes as well as fears, ambition as well as anxiety.
If borders are to be regulated effectively, the rules should honestly accommodate that simple truth, and they need to be agreed in collaboration with neighbouring states. The measure that first prioritised ‘genuine refugees’ over ‘economic migrants’ was an international treaty to manage demographic upheavals set off by the Second World War. There are at least 84 million displaced people in the world today. Unilateral efforts by a small nation to resist pressures of that magnitude don’t protect sovereignty; they guarantee instability.
The isolationists in charge of this country think otherwise. Almost two years ago, when a radio interviewer asked Patel if post-Brexit Britain would have found space for her mother and father, she became tetchy. Taking back control of the UK’s borders was ‘not about refugees and asylum and people being persecuted around the world’, she said. ‘We must differentiate between the two.’ At the time, the answer was just another hint that her parents had suffered grave persecution. Today, it reflects what’s deceitful about the new law. The Nationality and Borders Bill doesn’t meaningfully differentiate at all. Its purpose is simply to exclude.
Comments
Yes. Exclude. Let them sort out their own affairs, if necessary with Western help.
Let us hope, for the sake of the survival of British culture, that the bill succeeds.
The idea that ‘Leftism is a Western invention’ is also rubbish. The concept may have been forged here but the ideas behind it have been around forever. Aristotle, for example, wrote that ‘the truly democratic statesman must study how the multitude may be saved from extreme poverty’ and that ‘measures must be contrived that bring about lasting prosperity for all’ - his solution to how this should be done was that old leftwing idea of redistribution: ‘The proper course is to collect all the proceeds of the revenue into a fund and distribute this in lump sums.’ He also wrote that ‘the state is essentially a community … [it] is not merely a sharing of a common locality for the purpose of preventing mutual injury and exchanging goods.’
Or you could go forward a few hundred years and look at Christ who preached that we should give up our worldly goods to care for the poor, and that it is harder for a rich man to enter paradise than a camel to pass through the eye of a needle (the eye of a needle, incidentally, was a notoriously narrow gate into Jerusalem, one that with great difficulty a camel could be got through - Aristotle also said something similar, that it was possible to be good and rich just very difficult.
However, it may comfort you to know that there have always been people like you. In 1185 Richard of Devizes wrote, ‘I do not like that city [London]. All sorts of men crowd there from every country under the heavens. Each brings its own vices and its own customs to the city.’ And in 1255 the monkish chronicler Matthew Paris wrote that London was ‘overflowing … [with] Poitevins, Provençals, Italians and Spaniards’. I’m guessing you’d approve of his use of ‘overflowing’ - reminiscent of the ‘swamped’ your sort so often accuse this country of being by immigrants.
But there have always been people like me. In the late seventeenth century Joseph Addison on viewing the multi-ethnic assembly at the Royal Exchange, remarked that it ‘gratifies my Vanity, as I am an Englishman, to see so much an Assembly of Country-men and Foreigners consulting together upon the private Business of Mankind, and making of this Metropolis a kind of Emporium for the whole Earth.’ Then in 1850 Wordsworth, writing approvingly of his earlier residence in London, wrote that he had found
every character of form and face:
The Swede, the Russian; from the genial south,
The Frenchman and the Spaniard; from remote
America, the Hunter-Indian; Moors,
Malays, Lascars, the Tartar and Chinese
And Negro Ladies in white muslin gowns.
Again, you spout this racist nonsense about western countries being ‘dominated’ by immigrant communities - it’s absolute piffle and you can’t provide a single example to back it up. What immigrant communities actually do, what they have always done, is enrich and beautify our culture; of course, that means changing it, but without change we stagnate and die. As I said before, if you understood anything about the history of these isles, you would know that this has always been the case and that it has always been resisted by people like you uttering precisely the same nonsense that you are.
You are afraid of our progressive traditions being overthrown; well, so am I. But the danger comes not from immigration but from fear mongers like you who, whether you intend it or not, are fostering the rise of populism and fascism with your lies which will, if you succeed, turn this country into a little inward facing haven of conservative mediocrity instead of the great outward looking polity that has the self-belief and vision to embrace the world in all its wonderful diversity.
You say that in France the ‘native majority panics as it sees its past, present and future being taken away, and sides with the far right’, but can you give a single example of any of these subtractions? The people who are flocking to fascism are not doing so because of anything that’s actually happened or happening, they’re doing it because of people spreading the sort of poisonous nonsense you are.
The past, present and future of France vanishing for the natives? One needs a minimum of common sense and imagination to appreciate that. As the Muslim and immigrant proportion of France increases to 20 percent and 40 percent - easily conceivable - the kind of people who feel linked to the past of France will diminish. There will be few interested in the orations of Andre Malraux about the Resistance hero Jean Moulin, the history of De Gaulle, Voltaire, Rousseau, Stendhal, Hugo, Flaubert, Zola, Proust, Camus, Sartre. (Not that Sartre will care, the nihilist.)
A family has its distinctive life based on shared experiences and memories. The mistake of the Western nations was to bring in such vast numbers of outsiders that the life of the national family itself is vanishing. The newcomers feel no link to the national past. Limited immigration I am all for; as I said, I am of Ugandan Asian origin. But when immigrant numbers reach unassimilable levels there is inevitably panic among the native majority and that is what we are seeing in France today.
You also state you were Ugandan Asian. Of course, it was the Ugandan Asians coming to the UK that triggered Powell to excoriate the flow of migrants in language not dissimilar to your own, and I'm not sure you have advanced an objective reason why your critique should be taken any more seriously than his.