Compulsory Smiling
Lorna Finlayson
Katharine Birbalsingh, the head of the Michaela Community School in Wembley, is said to have been shortlisted for the role of chair of the government’s Social Mobility Commission (or ‘Social Mobility Tsar’). The job pays £350 a day for up to six days’ work a month.
Birbalsingh delighted the Conservative Party Conference in 2010 with a speech that emphasised ‘discipline’ and ‘personal responsibility’ and included some snide remarks about grade inflation and political correctness, interspersed with clips of her students playing the steelpans. Music to the Tories’ ears. Michaela, the ‘free school’ Birbalsingh co-founded with Suella Braverman (now a Conservative MP) in 2014, made headlines in 2016 for putting children in ‘lunch isolation’ because their parents owed money for school meals. ‘Britain’s strictest school’ is run with military precision. Pupils walk in silent single file between classes. In 2019, Michaela celebrated its first GCSE results: among the best in the country for non-selective state schools, with more than half of all grades 7 or above (the equivalent of an old A or A*).
Schools like Michaela represent the opposite of everything I believe in. But it isn’t difficult to understand their attraction. The desire for order and control lies at the root of some of the worst things that human beings do to one another, but it also expresses an important human need for a degree of safety and predictability. In conditions which leave us little control over how we spend our time, where we live, what happens to our health or the health of those we care about, even the planet we live on, it’s unsurprising that people try to ‘take back control’ in whatever ways are available: some relatively benign (mildly obsessive cleanliness), many not so (eating disorders, racist nationalism). Order, or the idea of it, is comforting.
There are also concrete horrors from which schools like Michaela promise salvation. Not only the threat of physical violence (from the police as well as those the police claim to protect us from), a constant presence in some areas and communities, and not only violence of the economic kind, but also the smaller, subtler things that sediment as misery. Deprivations of space and time, of privacy. You can see the appeal of a place where the noise stops, where phones are banished, where it is possible to give something, for once, your full concentration. I’ve longed for something like this when I’m teaching: not the fierce authoritarianism of Michaela, but for everyone involved to be really present, with space to breathe, not to be constantly tugged at by technological and bureaucratic intrusions.
It’s easy to see how a parent living in a poor area of London might want their child to go to a school like Michaela (which is heavily oversubscribed) that promises both safety and success. Qualms about the stifling of individuality or creativity – which Michaela in any case insists it does not do – seem like an indulgence. It isn’t as if ‘normal’ schools are utopias of freedom and self-expression. As one parent observed when the new head of a school in Leicestershire announced a Michaela-style regime, including compulsory smiling and a ban on looking out the window during class, ‘Most of those rules apply in schools anyway, just look worse when they are put in writing.’
The appeal of schools like Michaela is less a vindication of their methods than an indictment of the society in which they can appear as a solution. Birbalsingh wasn’t wrong when she said, in her Tory conference speech, that ‘the system is broken because it keeps poor children poor.’ Schools reproduce social inequalities rather than overcoming them. In 2016, the Social Mobility Commission identified ‘an unfair education system’ as one of the main factors trapping people in poverty. Poor black children, in particular, are failed by the system as it is (the latest outbreak of faux concern for the ‘white working class’ relies, as usual, on cherry-picked statistics to pin the consequences of poverty and austerity on anti-racism).
Birbalsingh offers simple solutions in tune with the government’s preferred narrative: it is not poverty or racism but a liberal ‘woke’ agenda that is to blame. ‘Black underachievement,’ she said in her 2010 speech, ‘is due in part to the chaos in our classrooms and in part to the accusation of racism.’ This is reminiscent of the oft-repeated line about the Rochdale paedophile ring, that police failed to act against the perpetrators because they were afraid of being perceived as racist (an explanation that ignores evidence of discriminatory and victim-blaming attitudes towards the working-class girls who were abused). If the police are so inhibited by racial sensitivities, why do they stop and search black people at nine times the rate of whites? If teachers are so scared of disciplining black children, why are Afro-Caribbean students up to six times as likely to be excluded?
The relationship between schools and policing is not merely analogous. Following the practice of some US ‘charter schools’, there are more than 650 police officers working in British schools, mainly in areas of high deprivation. This is of a piece with the government’s ongoing effort to imprint its brand of aggressive authoritarian nationalism on the school system, from Kemi Badenoch’s invectives against ‘critical race theory’ to Tom Hunt’s demand that all schools fly the Union Jack. It’s also a response to growing resistance from pupils to that project. In March, the police were called to Pimlico Academy in London because students were protesting against discriminatory uniform policies (prohibiting hairstyles that ‘block the views of others’) and the hoisting of a Union Jack outside the school. In May, officers were called to a school in Leicester after pupils staged a walkout in solidarity with Palestine. Sixteen students were suspended (the school cited a breach of Covid regulations, the new version of the traditional ‘fire safety’ excuse). The Ofsted chair and former banker Amanda Spielman denounced ‘militant’ and ‘confrontational’ activism in schools.
Birbalsingh has a good chance of netting the social mobility gig (despite her muddling of Lord of the Rings with Lord of the Flies): final interviews are tomorrow. But whether it’s her or someone like her is of little importance: the ‘direction of travel’ on schooling – as on everything else – is clear. The courage of growing numbers of young people to resist it is inspiring.
Comments
Quite right too. They are in school to learn, not to play politics. If they worked harder at their school work instead of bleating about a non-country that has nothing to do with them, perhaps they would be more successful. But the Left, who nearly always send their own children to private schools, prefer the plebs to wallow in victimhood and identity politcs.
LOL
LRB to the Spectator. Not too worried about seeing Union Flags fluttering above the playground here in South Wales. There was quite a lot of noisy singing and fireworks being let off on a Sunday night.
Is it possible that the school children in Leicester were aware of this and were concerned about the quality of the education they receive? Don't we want people to be reflective and to consider their own education. I'm not writing propaganda and would genuinely appreciate a reply.
"The international publisher Pearson has paused further distribution of two textbooks used by UK high schools after a group of academics said in a report that they distorted the historical record and failed to offer pupils a balanced view of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
The report found that alterations had been made to text, timelines, maps and photographs, as well as to sample student essays and questions.
It concluded that "school children should not be supplied with propaganda under the guise of education" and called for their immediate withdrawal.
The textbook alterations were made last year after an intervention by the Board of Deputies of British Jews working together with UK Lawyers for Israel (UKLFI).
The books, titled Conflict in the Middle East and The Middle East: Conflict, Crisis and Change, both by author Hilary Brash, are read by thousands of GCSE and International GCSE students annually. "
The article continues and offers more details.
It can be found here:
https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/uk-school-textbooks-middle-east-conflict-altered-favour-israel-report
There are two things to bear in mind about the holocaust - it wasn't a purely Nazi affair, and not all christianity is Western christianity. Where I live, Romania, there was in the 1930s a particularly close relationship between Eastern Orthodox Christianity, christian values and the strange mystical form that fascism took here. In terms of politics, the first anti-Semitic legislation was passed in 1938, when Miron Cristea, the Orthodox Patriarch of Romania, was Prime Minister. Eastern Europe is a different world. It is hard to imagine the Archbishop of Canterbury as PM in 1938, but in Romania things were and are different.
Romania was profoundly anti-Semitic at that time and the fascist movement was led by a deeply Christian quasi-mystic, Codreanu, and attracted a lot of support from seminarians and local village priests.
Between 1941-4, Romania was responsible for the deaths of at least a quarer of a million Jews and at least 25 000 gypsies - mainly through disease and starvation in camps established in Bessarabia and Transnistria. After the massacres of Jews in Odessa, the Patriarch was given a large house there, with a view of the sea. It was, if I have got this right, almost next door to the house given to Marshall Antonescu, the military dictator of Romania, who was responsible for the deaths of the Jews and gypsies mentioned earlier.
I think our understanding of what happened during the war would be greatly enhanced if we stopped thinking of the holocaust as a purely Nazi affair, and we realised that Romania, along with a lot of other countries, such as Serbia, Bulgaria and the Ukraine are deeply Christian and part of Europe.
In Radu Jude's wonderful film Bad Luck Banging, the teacher whose sex film surfaces on the internet teaches as 'Nichifor Crainic High School' - the sort of reference that Radu Jude likes to put in his films - references unintelligible to a lot of Romanians, and completely lost on non-Romanians.
It was this distinction that allowed Nietzsche to be about the most vitriolically effective critic of the Church there has ever been while at the same time describing Jesus as 'the noblest man who ever lived'.
There has never been anything more hateful than the Holocaust, and there has never been anything more loving than Christian values.
So, we can either follow your lead and drain the word of all meaning, or we can listen to the OED and accept that Christian values are those showing ‘a character consistent with Christ’s teaching’.
Smile, if you know what's good for you.
2. From a link in the blog, those children in Pimlico had previously taken down a Union Flag and burnt it. If only my schooldays had been like that!
3. In the channel 4 report about the school in Leicester (which there is a link to) there is evidence shown that they too called the Police, in this case because they couldn't get the pupils to go back to the classrooms after the lunch break. How did this become an even remotely conceivable option for teachers? This seems to reinforce, more than almost anything I could reasonably imagine, on of the the main points of the article regarding heavy handed disciplinary approaches in schools
The evidence against seems oddly thin. Birbalsingh was well received at a Conservative Party conference, and her co-founder is now a Conservative MP. Some pupils are said to have been placed in ‘lunch isolation’ because parents owed money for school meals – a highly charged but ambiguous claim that sounds like it has been taken out of context and demands a rounder explanation. The school is said to be ‘fiercely’ authoritarian but no support is given for such a loaded adverb. The school’s approach to orderliness is linked by implication, but without justification, to Brexit (‘take back control’) and to ‘some of the worst things that human beings do to one another’. Birbalsingh herself is dismissed with a slightly unpleasant kind of knowing sneer (‘has a good chance of netting the social mobility gig, despite her muddling The Lord of the Rings with Lord of the Flies’).
I have no personal experience of Michaela (and no axe to grind); but for the time being I am prepared to trust what I read of the largely consistent verdicts of those who do – pupils, parents, teachers and inspectors – namely that Michaela seems to have implemented a set of highly effective and well-received educational practices that demand to be taken seriously, not treated with suspicion merely for being unorthodox and to some extent traditional.
Michaela’s Deputy Head Jonathan Porter sees things differently. “I think it’s Britain’s most loving school,” he says. Porter believes the school’s strict rules allow “pupils to be free, to be truly free” to learn.
It seems fairly clear to me how that sort of 'leadership' thinking might lead to an aversion. One might want to believe that strict discipline leads to freedom and that the best way to express love is to discipline people for not finding the right page in a text book within 10 seconds but you'll not find many to support such abuses of the language and decent human standards of behaviour outside of the far right. As to local support, the school might suggest or even provide a better future for their children (within a very limited frame of what 'better future' might mean) than a lot of alternatives on offer but that does not make it right.
The article also compares the pupils behaviour to ones at Eton, little needs to be said I think about what an Etonian education might lead to
https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/criq.12557
Upward mobility, betrayal and the Black Papers on education, by James Robert Wood. He concludes by saying -
"One lesson to be taken from reading the Black Papers is the way the sorting of people into gradations of intelligence and dullness can work against commitments to social justice, a salutary lesson for those working in an academic culture that still drives its professionals to desire to be, and to be seen to be, intelligent. Delving into the Black Papers and the Black Papers’ archive has made me think the profession could use an explicit reckoning with the idea of innate intelligence and how it both shapes and deforms our scholarship and our teaching."
As Finlayson asserts, despite the hope and belief that one of the structuring institutions of society - schools - can be an instrument of societal change, they are much more characteristically instruments of reproducing societal values and conformities.
The requirements at Michaela - e.g. strict adherence to behaviours intended to express positivity - smiling - mistake the symptoms for the causes as Finlayson argues. For a further examination of this, I refer the reader to the excellent analysis of the requirement to smile by Barbara Ehrenreich: Smile or Die. Where who is required to smile, in what circumstances and with what sanctions against failure to do so exposes the power relations in such a requirement to.. Ehrenreich examines what being a pleasant smiling worker involves for precarious, underpaid workers in coffee outlets, for example, that any feminist, for example, would have also learned as Lesson One about having to smile to please men and 'get on' in a patriarchal society.. be that as it may, the requirement to smile is said to stimulate 'positivity' in the student that means she works hard and gets good results. An idea of order that is profoundly longed for by parents who actually agree and know how unfair and ruthless our society is and where the only tolerable solutions are those that do not challenge its fundamental structures.
To take direct action by extending the liberal value of caring for others by aligning themselves with the suffering of others outside the permitted bounds of school leaders or their immediate society - to weep and cry out rather than smile- creates quite a dilemma for our sense if order and what we want it to achieve..