Trump’s Illness and Ours
Eli Zaretsky
Last Friday Donald Trump appeared on television to announce that he had contracted the coronavirus and was going to hospital. ‘I want to thank everybody for the tremendous support,’ Trump said. ‘I think I’m doing very well, but we’re going to make sure that things work out.’ To my recollection, this is the only time during his four-year presidency that he has spoken to the entire nation, as opposed to his ‘base’. It is also the only time that he has tried to unite the nation instead of dividing it.
For those who believe that an awareness of one’s mortality is morally uplifting, the days since have proved disappointing. Trump and his team of doctors soon reverted to form. The date on which he first tested positive kept hazy, raising the question of whether Trump knowingly exposed donors and supporters to the virus. Reports from Sean Conley, the president’s personal physician, obviously orchestrated by Trump, painted a rosy picture of his prognosis, while revealing that he had received supplemental oxygen on two occasions, and was being treated with a variety of drugs: the antiviral remdesivir, an experimental ‘antibody cocktail’ made by Regeneron Pharmaceuticals, and the steroid dexamethasone. Most doctors commented that these treatments, especially the steroid, suggested a very severe case of Covid-19, but no one outside the inner circle knows the truth.
On Sunday, Trump had the Secret Service take him for a spin around Walter Reed hospital, endangering his aides if not himself. Meanwhile, Conley was forced to make an awkward apology for his lack of clarity: ‘I didn’t want to give any information that might steer the course of illness in another direction and in doing so it came off that we were trying to hide something, which wasn't necessarily true.’ He was ‘trying to reflect the upbeat attitude that the team, the president, his course of illness has had’.
The episode dramatically reveals what may be the key to Trump’s character. He is a gambler, a risk-taker of a sort familiar to a frontier society. When the virus hit, he pooh-poohed it, promising a quick turnaround. Above all, he refused to wear a mask, even shouting at White House employees who wore them: ‘Get that damned thing off!’ Behind in the polls, he tried to recast the presidential election as a choice between a daring, energetic, manly leader who did not let a few viruses scare him, and a doddering, older, cringing Joe Biden, who held few if any rallies, hid out in his basement and invariably wore a mask. ‘I don’t wear masks like him,’ Trump said during last Tuesday’s debate, gesturing at Biden. ‘Every time you see him, he’s got a mask. He could be speaking two hundred feet away from it, and he shows up with the biggest mask I’ve seen.’ Since testing positive, Trump has doubled down on his bravado. ‘Don’t be afraid of Covid,’ he tweeted as he left hospital yesterday evening.
Trump’s followers admire this sort of behaviour, wishing only that they could be more like him. They idealise Trump’s daring and masculinity, as they see it, just as once before – in childhood – they idealised themselves. Given the narcissistic infusion that Trump provides to his supporters, his faults count for little. As long as he possesses his supporters’ typical qualities in what Freud called a ‘clearly marked and pure form’ that gives the impression ‘of greater force and of more freedom of libido’, they follow him gladly.
What of Trump’s opponents, the Democrats, liberals and progressives? Coverage in the New York Times, on CNN, MSNBC and other venerable liberal outlets boils down to shaming Trump. ‘We told you so,’ they have repeatedly (and understandably) said. ‘This was inevitable, and even deserved.’ Shaming is a major and necessary form of social control in any public health emergency. We shame people who cough without covering their mouths or who do not wear masks or do not wear condoms – and we should. But there is more going on because shaming in particular, and the moralisation of politics in general, has characterised the huge shift toward identity politics and progressive neoliberalism in recent years, and has played a major role in provoking the Trumpian backlash.
Above all, Democratic Party moralism and Trumpian macho risk-taking are internally related to one another. Gambling, with all its macho undertones, has a special if covert appeal to the evangelical or Puritan mind. It allows individuals to throw off the slow, painful and laborious burden of subordinating their wishes to the superego with one manic play of the dice. Running around without a mask in the face of a pandemic could serve as a huge relief from the endless self-examination of the hypertrophied Protestant conscience. Finally, it’s out of our hands; everything will be decided by ‘fate’.
This unspoken connection between a guilt-ridden, identity-driven mass culture and a risk-taking, macho opposition to it can tell us a lot about American politics. During the New Deal era, a fractious citizenry was held together by the understanding that capitalist greed was a common enemy. To be sure, Blacks and women were not full equals in the New Deal coalition, but they were more prominent than is sometimes realised today. In any event, the decline and marginalisation of the socialist left since the 1970s opened the path for the widespread moralisation and psychologisation that marks our politics today.
A series of catastrophic events – including 9/11, the economic crisis of 2008 and the deeply disappointing character of the Obama presidency – led to the disastrous Trump presidency. The latest catastrophe, the Covid-19 pandemic, has revealed the deep untruth underlying Adam Smith’s claim that ‘individuals, without desiring or knowing it, and while pursuing each his own interest, are working for the direct realisation of the general interest.’ The truth is that individuals pursuing their own interests produce group identities that have no sense of the general interest, but are rather marked by feelings of oppression, resentment or both. Only social trust and collective action, involving not only democratic co-ordination but genuine leadership, have a chance of returning us to a sense of the collective interest. In the US, a great anti-Trump coalition has formed but to what end after 3 November remains unclear.
Comments
Next you'll be cautioning us for invoking "the narcissism of small differences" when discussing nationalism or some such. He may have been no scientist but on politics like art Freud could be very penetrat.....erm, acute.
Maybe 15% of the electorate? Be realistic!
- but in the real world he still remains unelectable
The facts are plain: a large majority of Democratic party members didn't want Sanders as their nominee. Why can't you accept that fact? If the Democratic party is so biased against Sanders, why does he keep trying to get their nomination? I think we all know the answer - Bernie isn't very popular, so wants to hitch a ride on a popular vehicle, the Democratic party.
You've also managed to mis-spell Pete Buttigieg's name twice. Quite a feat for someone named Zaretsky!
Why has he spinelessly backed Gibberish Joe as candidate? (Why did he back Hillary?)
No, Sanders frankly lacks the courage of his convictions. Otherwise he would have run an independent campaign. Sarscov2 would have given him a Fantastic Boost, highlighting the major plank of his platform. He might just have split the vote and come up the middle.
The US desperately needs an Opposition Party to replace Tweedledee & Tweedledum. If he weren't such a pathetic weakling, Sanders could have started to build one.
Look, I want everything he says He wants. But when the DNC cheats him in 2016, rather than joining his delegates in a walk-out from the convention, he rebukes them. He endorses Hillary. Then in 2019 he woos the DNC (like a seal-pup wooing a shark). He runs the predicted tepid campaign during which he wastes the hard-earned contributions from many poor people by being nice to his "friend" Joe. And when he's done in by Obama&Co he meekly accepts it and starts telling us what a great prez Gibberish Joe is going to be. Etc.
No. If by a wondrous miracle he landed in the White House, he'd lack the guts to wield that bully pulpit the only way that would get anything done.
People say he most fears being a second Ralph Nader -- shunned by the mainstream as a "spoiler". Apparently Sanders stopped taking Nader's calls after 2000. (Nader: "Worried about my legacy? No, I don't think they'll outlaw seatbelts.")
Sanders could have pushed this thing in a completely different direction. But flinched all the way down the line.
Is that "harsh"? I don't think so. Just the truth.
There's nothing 'illegal' about this. That's politics. And Sanders knew damn well something like this was going to be pulled on him.
More the fool Bernie for having anything to do with the Dems.
https://www.lrb.co.uk/blog/2018/september/the-mass-psychology-of-trumpism
These, too:
https://www.lrb.co.uk/blog/2019/june/trump-s-charisma
https://www.lrb.co.uk/blog/2019/december/to-turn-the-mass-into-a-class
In Wales, we've now reached the point where the First Minister is publicly shaming local councillors just for questioning some aspects of new regulations in their areas; this, apparently, is "disgraceful" and an incitement to break the law. (The dispute is over Welsh government travel restrictions, which seem to relate more to a political need to be seen to be doing something different from Westminster, and outflank any keep-out-the-English calls from Plaid Cymru, than any solid evidence that they will do much to slow the spread of the virus.)
Always good to learn about Wales.
There wasn't that much togetherness. In 1936, the Republicans ran a stridently anti-New Deal campaign and around 37 percent of the country voted for it.
Very few people read Smith or engage with serious scholarship on Smith's writings so the professional economists' disciplinary origin myth, selective quoting, and imaginative interpretations tend to dominate the understanding of Smith both in and outside the academy. For a short critique see: https://aeon.co/essays/we-should-look-closely-at-what-adam-smith-actually-believed
As to the negative reactions to invoking the good doctor of Vienna, I have thought from time to time that in the end Freud will come to be seen as the most important of the minor 19th century novelists.
However, even if that were true, the antagonism he generates almost always reveals more about the accuser than it does about the merits or faults of his ideas.
The idea, such as it is, that he fails because his methods are not “scientific “ is as useful (and ultimately reactionary) as rejecting Joyce or Proust or Faulkner‘s (feel free to make your own list) insights into human consciousness, psychology, history, culture, and politics, because, they are not “scientific.”
Trump is a malignant troll, and if not a fascist, a gangster and the result is a distinction without a difference.
There’s a quote in, A Most Dangerous Method (the book, not the film) from, I believe, Eugene Bleuler, to the effect that, Freud was on his way towards creating either a religion or a political party. (Apologies if I’m wrong about the source).
Haven’t read G. Eliot in so long I will defer to you but I see someone has referenced Conrad who I would rank above both Freud and Eliot with the caveat that greater and lesser instantly push us into matters of personal taste versus objective criteria.
And yet, I suspect, Heart of Darkness, will (assuming anyone survives and still cares) outlast The Interpretation of Dreams et al, for many reasons including but not limited to, being both about the muck of dreams, and a dream itself, that reveals and mystifies, succeeds as philosophy and ideology, without demanding adherence, but as with psychotherapy, “asks that you ask the questions you may have otherwise forgotten to ask.”
I’ve only read one cogent analysis of all things Trump, that contextualized him via literature and that was in TLRoB, by Sydney Blumenthal, and he used Gatsby and the “foul dust.” (Just reprinted last week).
There is, I think quite obviously, a lot to be made of Trump himself having gone down river and gone mad, as much as one could make of Trump as “America” having gone down river and gone mad.
With at least two caveats: As with other goons, Trump did not suddenly appear but has been building for generations, and: as we live in a society that is dominated by functional illiterates, I won’t hold my breath waiting for anyone outside the pages of this platform or the NYRoB, to write such a piece.
And, if I didn’t make myself clear previously, I wouldn’t say Freud is scattershot, or lacking in discipline, even if, beyond the wild shots, as you call them, there are a host of problematic issues (nicely excavated in, A Most Dangerous Method, and exemplified by Blueleur saying Freud was on his way to establishing either a political party or a religion).
There is a great deal in Freud that’s useful.
The men and women we call “Shakespeare” are pre modern with all that entails. However, as the plays are plastic enough to be constantly adapted to and for contemporary events, the themes (regardless of how the authors intended and or understood them) could be useful for sifting psychological and social theory issues.
Generally I agree “Shakespeare” as “the worlds greatest psychologist” sounds smart until one starts poking around and the notion collapses.
On the other hand, the suggestion that a “dramatist” is confined to a particular lane and can’t be used or is incapable of intelligent commentary on social and psychological issues, hardly seems a serious assertion. But perhaps I misunderstand your point.
Off the top of my head, Arthur Miller, Brecht, and Strindberg and O’Neil cough “ahem” and certainly others are available for consideration. After all, one might wonder, who really is, afraid of Virginia Woolf, and why?
As I mentioned in another post, the LRoB just last week reprinted Sydney Blumenthal's piece on Trump. It was contextualized by Blumenthal's use of Gatsby as a filter by which we might understand Trump historically, and as a social and psychological issue both in terms of his own radioactive personality and the wider culture.
Blumenthal’s piece is problematic in several areas but surely Fitzgerald was, at least with Gatsby, a “systematic thinker” as were/are any number of other authors.
So I’m not sure why we can’t or wouldn’t make use of them in regards to those areas - though, the long shadow of Plato’s ideal city state ( and contemporary issues around tenure and the politics of the academy) still seems to linger and there is the sense (if not a prejudice) that seeks to keep the poets, et al, in exile.
And, on that note, it’s worth considering Sarah Churchwell’s piece in the current NYRoB about Fitzgerald: The Oracle of Our Unease.
Still, thanks for the article, which, as I said, is interesting.
In this instance, a search engine is useful.
Heart of Darkness, Kurtz (he dead) Francis Ford Coppola, etc, will all add some context and information.
I find the reference to imperfect use of condoms particularly egregious. One of the most enduring lessons of the AIDS crisis is that shame is simply ineffective when supporting condom use. Shame doesn't prevent the condom from breaking or slipping off; it doesn't stop partners being too drunk to remember to use one; it doesn't make condoms free, accessible, or desirable. The literature is clear that people manage their use of these health technologies in ways that are heavily contingent on social, cultural and political factors (the research I'm referring to centres condoms, but it's likely some of the findings will apply to masks too). Kane Race's Pleasure Consuming Medicine is a good reader for more on this.
Of course, shame *is* a major form of social control. It renders some behaviours (and people) marginal. It makes including them in public health measures more difficult.