‘H. and I are going to rebel’
Angelique Richardson
Life in the United Kingdom: A Guide for New Residents, published on behalf of the Home Office, ‘approved by ministers’ and retailing at £12.99, is ‘the only official handbook on which the Life in the UK test is based’. Last week the Historical Association published an open letter – signed so far by more than 350 historians – pointing out that the handbook is ‘fundamentally misleading and in places demonstrably false’. Five immigration lawyers have detailed further disturbing omissions. Some of the most misleading passages date only from the third edition, of 2013. No people of colour in the colonies or the UK are mentioned apart from Sake Dean Mahomed, who co-founded England’s first curry house in 1810. The handbook provides clear detail on the constitution, but the past it presents is both whitewashed and devoid of the work of decades of revisionist history. Anyone applying for British citizenship (in the year to March 2020, 165,693 people) will have had to commit this to memory to pass the test.
I took a practice test. I was asked to locate the Cenotaph, identify some flags of the Union, and name the country of which roast beef is a traditional food. In the Victorian age, the handbook says, ‘Britain increased in power and influence abroad,’ calling to mind a phrase I encountered in a history text book at school in the 1980s: Britain was the ‘policeman of the world’. It had seemed arrestingly strange to me, even in primary school.
My father had arrived at Tilbury Dock in the summer of 1953 to find the Britain he had left Sri Lanka to help rebuild festooned with ‘No coloureds, no Irish, no dogs’. As the children of an English mother and a Sri Lankan father, my brother and I routinely experienced racial violence and abuse. Holidays, weekends and rainy days offered respite; it was easier to be invisible among books and comics during indoor playtime; playgrounds were the real spaces of tyranny and ‘free speech’, under the supervision of teachers who actively failed to intervene.
The white South African woman who taught reception had sat me on her lap on my first day and asked the other, white children to guess where I was from. I couldn’t imagine what they would say: with the exception of a few trips to the seaside and to the Perivale paint factory where my parents worked, and my father was a shop steward, I’d never been much beyond High Wycombe. But I recall the fusillade of place names that followed, before the silence set in. Later, my reports of racist attacks were dismissed as tale-telling, so I learned to do nothing (schools now call this ‘resilience’).Oxford in the 1990s was better, though the woman in the room next to mine informed me, politely, shortly after I arrived, that I was not an English rose.
The Life in the UK handbook boasts that Britain ‘became the largest empire the world has ever seen’ with railways ‘built throughout’, producing ‘more than half of the world’s iron, coal and cotton cloth’ (nothing on who provided the labour and who died doing so, or where the cotton came from) while reformers ‘led movements to improve conditions of life for the poor’. It goes on to say that ‘some people began to question whether the Empire could continue’ but gives no information on colonial resistance or movements for independence, or the work of Black abolitionists such as Olaudah Equiano, Joseph Knight and Samuel Sharpe (or if anyone questioned whether it should continue).
The mother country is presented as an idyllic haven in which colonised people were welcome to ‘live, work and study’. In the South African War, ‘the Boers fought fiercely’; no reference is made to the British scorched earth policy or use of concentration camps. There is no mention of the Aliens Act of 1905, aimed largely at Jews and the Chinese, or of the eugenics movement (one of Britain’s exports). Early 20th-century Britain had ‘an expansive Empire’ and ‘well-admired navy’. There is no reference to the Empire Windrush, or the Windrush compensation scheme, or to migration from Africa after the Victorian period.
The ‘complex laws’ of cricket ‘are said to reflect the best of the British character and sense of fair play’. We are told that ‘the great majority of British people believed in the Empire as a force for good in the world’ and that its end was, for the most part, ‘orderly’. As the immigration lawyers note, hundreds of thousands if not millions of people died in the Partition of India, millions more were brutally displaced, and tens of thousands of Kenyans were tortured, maimed or killed in the British counter-insurgency campaign in the 1950s; millions have been rendered effectively stateless, including Tamils in Sri Lanka, Palestinians, and South Asians who had settled in East Africa as British subjects; and borders imposed without consent continue to cause conflict in Africa, the Middle East and South Asia.
Women of all ethnicities are erased. Nine ‘notable’ white writers across two centuries are listed. Only two women, Austen and Rowling, are included. There’s no mention of the Brontës, Gaskell, Eliot, the bestselling New Women of the 1890s, Monica Ali, Andrea Levy, Malorie Blackman, Patrice Lawrence or Zadie Smith. Benjamin Zephaniah and Hanif Kureishi are also omitted. There is alignment here with the shrinking English and history syllabuses in British schools, with To Kill a Mockingbird, Of Mice and Men and The Crucible removed from GCSE English under Michael Gove. In a more general section on literature, nine writers, all white, are named; the only women are Agatha Christie and Hilary Mantel. In a reference to British poets, fifteen are mentioned. Only one is a woman, Elizabeth Barrett Browning, who appears not as she styled herself, but with Barrett, her given surname, erased (she is also omitted from the index, unlike her husband). There are quotations from six, including Kipling. All are white men.
Kazuo Ishiguro, who left Japan for England when he was five, and V.S. Naipaul, who left Trinidad and Tobago for England when he was 18, are not included among the British writers who have won the Nobel Prize for Literature. This is the story of white men, but even here the handbook is far from inclusive. Thomas Hardy, who spoke out, always, for the oppressed and voiceless, is referred to as a rural writer, appealing to nostalgia for a timeless pastoral; nothing is said of his opposition to, and poems against, the South African War, his anti-imperialism, and his insistence that if there must be patriotism, then it should apply to the whole world.
On Radio 4’s Any Questions last month, the transport secretary, Grant Shapps (who in 2015 had resigned as international development minister amid claims he failed to act on allegations of bullying), sought repeatedly to shift the focus from Black Lives Matter to a triumphalist narrative of British abolitionism, in an attempt to absolve Britain from past and present racism and state abuse. He spoke insistently over Paulette Simpson, the deputy chair of the Windrush Commemoration Committee, as she pointed out that Britain had been late to the campaign against slavery, as it had been late in condemning apartheid and was late in responding to Covid-19 and its disproportionate effects on people of colour. Shapps went on to namecheck Asian members of the cabinet, as if that could dispel any notion of structural racism, and spoke hazily of Britain’s ‘diversity’, ‘equality’, ‘tolerance’ and ‘civilisation’.
Earlier this month, in the Los Angeles Review of Books, Ronjaunee Chatterjee, Alicia Mireles Christoff and Amy R. Wong called for academics to challenge the structural racism of Victorian Studies, a field that is, they point out, ‘almost entirely white’. In the UK as well as the US, we need more scholars of colour, and we need experts of all ethnicities to speak out, publicly, against the whitewashing and erasing of history, and the historical fictions of the state.
I began studying the 19th century in a bid to understand the origins of the violent racism that had characterised life (for me) on a housing estate, not for the apolitical aesthetic (as if there were there such a thing) which I’m told from time to time by non-Black scholars should underpin the study of literature. I was drawn, too, to Emily Brontë’s ‘H. and I are going to rebel’ – a rebellion across class, race and gender allegiances. Until we appeal to the intellect and imagination of children of colour, with histories that speak to their lived realities, we are unlikely to find them as our students or colleagues. With mobility in schools and universities going backwards, and child poverty increasing, the struggle that lies ahead is likely to be long.
Comments
My mother (French but with a degree in English) has lived in England for over 25 years and worked for the UK police force for over a decade as a translator (the English not being the most linguistically gifted).
One of the more subtle and insidious results of the brexit vote and it’s impact on the institutions of state is that her employer (ultimately the home office) insisted she obtain British citizenship. My mother therefore had to take this test - and was charged for the privilege.
I am not sure about the definition of ‘fair play’ and ‘fairness’ that seems to be in vogue as a determining feature of a unique British character but the exhorbitant charges levied by the home office make an absolute mockery of the claim.
Insisting a resident of quarter of a century and employee for a decade sit such an insulting test really gives a small flavour of the mean spirited pettiness that characterises the dominant aspect of contemporary Englishness.
I wish I had the bottle to emigrate and congralute any who make the move so that England may feel what it is like to being on the recieving end of a brain drain for once
The attitudes were real enough — but why would landlords risk a brick through the window from coloureds or the reputedly even-more-feral Irish?
I believe the repellent description of Life in the U- K- however. The Home Office could comprehensively revise their handbook to include (say) Charles II and the Royal African Company, and Constantine v Imperial Hotels Ltd [1944] KB 693, including David Low’s Evening Standard cartoon of 7 September 1943. (It’s a guess they’re not already there.)
I will admit that I have not seen a photograph where an entire
English street has this aggressive racist message in its windows , but my experience leads me to believe as a white Brit, that there are many, many streets today with those views, though prohibited by law now, are prevalent and effectively practiced.
Chris Thomas
Retired immigrant.
Typically, those on the right of politics tend to the error of self-aggrandizement while those on the left suffer from excessive self-reproach. And, because the two sides are so hostile to each other, any sympathy towards the others’ approach is seen as betrayal; this just pushes each side further into its own confusion. As so often, progress could best be achieved by us all listening to each other sympathetically and trying to understand the strengths of our opponents’ positions instead of just condemning them out of hand; but, in this increasingly polarized world, that is getting harder and harder.
https://youtu.be/sb9_qGOa9Go
The link I mean to post is:
https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=waVrJEIfahc
At the local re-education camp, presumably. After 12 hours hard labour and some refreshing turnip soup before lights out.
On a broader level, I don’t think the past crimes of an institution or country in any way impose a duty on them to compensate for those crimes today. For example, I don’t think Lloyds of London owes anything to the descendants of slaves because it made a fortune out of the slave trade; I think it has a duty to all those who are poor and powerless because it is rich and powerful, and I believe we all have a duty to make the world equal. But as that principle is far too radical for such institutions, I support the moves to make them compensate because of their past involvement - getting some of the right thing for the wrong reason is better than nothing at all.
As for this being an insulting suggestion, I simply took Neddy's words at face value. His statement was factually incorrect. Australia was not 'settled' by the British, the British arrived there and in many cases proceeded to exterminate the local population (and in Tasmania, succeeded so efffectively that none of the original population survived).
I don't think this is insulting, though it might have been, had I commented - as I might well have done - that I would have expected someone who had fled the biggest genocide in modern history to be a bit more sensitive towards a people who had suffered similarly.
Those aboriginals who survived were until very recently subjected to forced separation from their parents and education in boarding schools, the horrors of which we are only just becoming aware.
If you find that fact uncomfortable, that is your problem not mine.
Your record of service is admirable, and you have certainly done more for the Aboriginal population than my own extensive Australian white colonist family.
My point was that in stating that Britain had 'settled and civilized' Australia, you were helping - unintentionally - to perpetuate a myth. It would have been better had the colonists first civilized themselves.
They - we - colonized and, where necessary, brutalized Australia. We also established a modern state with, in some ways, enlightened and highly democratic characteristics (Australia being the first nation to introduce votes for women, for instance). All this happened hand in hand with wholesale crimes and violations of human rights, including by the way the systematic abuse of British orphans sent to Australia after the war.
Throughout this thread there has been a vein of contradiction. If we want to take credit for the good things that we ('we' being 'the British') did, we also have to accept blame for the bad things. If as one contributor wrote we should not be held to account for the crimes of a previous generation, then by the same token, it is sheer hypocrisy to claim credit for the achievements. It comes as a package. Both, or neither.
Personally, I think we should reset the moral score card with each generation and not wallow in self-hatred for the actions of our ancestors. But neither should we then wallow in sentimental nostalgia about how virtuous they were.
But of course, we should always learn from history.
I note your point that Aboriginal society did not provide you with a refuge from the chaos of the war and post-war world. But neither was Aboriginal society responsible for the Shoah. In the 1930s, Britain meanly kept Jewish refugees out of Britain and out of British mandated Palestine, and as a direct result, thousands of European Jews who could have found refuge there were stranded and left to the psychopathic brutality of the Nazis. Please remember that when you praise all things British.
You might also remember that Australia today is governed by a crew of scientifically illiterate climate-change deniers who put the profits of fossil fuel companies above the national interest and pander to the lowest common denominator of the Murdoch press. With that lot in charge, God help Australia.
It's worth recalling where this all came from, i.e. its origins in the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act of 2002. It explicitly reflects an anxiety on the part of the then Labour government about social cohesion, and the supposed threat of immigration to that ideal. It was meant as a rite of passage to integrate applicants into 'British society', and as a language test, so questions of inclusion and exclusion inflect its every word. Which makes its monocular vision of British history even more of a problem, I think.
And as she points out, the literature sections are also deeply problematic - Elizabeth Barrett? Ishiguro and Naipaul don’t count as winners?
It’s a matter of historical record that people of colour were denied rental properties. And although this is illegal now, do we really think this doesn’t happen today? People of colour are discriminated against in our society - and that includes being denied properties, particularly in certain areas. I was particularly struck by Prof Richardson’s point about schools, playgrounds and seen as ‘telling tales’ when trying to report racist attacks. That racist abuse was dismissed as teasing, banter etc did happen and is still happening. This is what Windrush children suffered - and then they grew old after a lifetime of working here and were told they would be deported. A recent Parliamentary report found that Britain was losing influence and trade connections across Africa due to the Windrush scandal and perceptions of Empire. Prominent women of colour in our society are characterised as angry/difficult and Black MPs are sent constant hate speech. Bristolians spent years trying to note that Colston was a trader in enslaved peoples on his statue and were constantly blocked. Still, we are told, he was part of ‘history’ and his statue shouldn’t have been brought down. We need to think about whose ‘history’ that is.
Thank you Prof Richardson for this superb article.
" Until we appeal to the intellect and imagination of children of colour, with histories that speak to their lived realities, we are unlikely to find them as our students or colleagues."
That's extremely patronising of you. As the son of white working-class parents I certainly did not and do not require histories that speak to my lived reality to engage me in history generally, and I suggest that children of colour will be extremely insulted if you insist that the history that should most matter to them is restricted to that of other people of colour.
I understand why Black people might want to boast of composer Samuel Coleridge Taylor, but he is only one of many musicians of equal quality who have been forgotten. Joseph Knight campaigned for no one but himself. While the efforts of slaves to free themselves should be given a prominent place the argument had to be won within the tiny British political class, almost entirely White bar a couple of mixed-race MPs.
A proper history of Empire is needed, but it needs to be acknowledged that Britain did not create the divsions in those societies, although it often exploited them. Britain took sides in conflicts that had lasted long before they arrived and continue 50 years or more after we left. Often they were part of the means of acquiring Empire, Sikhs versus Hindus, versus Muslims all happy to ally with the EIC for advantager. Indian and Pakistani troops stood aside at Partition, or on occasion took part in the massacres. The British never had the numbers, even if the will, to play piggy in the middle.
Apparently migration is a "good thing" apart from when it was part of the Empire. Racism isn't such if its Ugandan Africans versus Indians, or Black Guyanese versus Indians. Africa has made no effort to adjust its colonial boundaries, worse it has entrenched colonial language divisions across local national lines to create new divisions. All the fault of the British and no responsibilty of those who rule themselves today.
Superb article which also brought back some vivid memories of growing up as an outsider in 1970s London. My dad came here in 1952. Both my parents were Partition refugees, but they reimagined what life could be in London, and in another way perhaps that's where the story of citizenship, of 'becoming' something other than just a migrant really begins. Apposite moment perhaps to also mention a book, just out, which explores, as fiction (isn't it always)
many of those themes alluded to here: phantom history, the growing pains of multicultural Britain, the long post imperial hangover.
The book is called 'Another kind of concrete'.
It featured on the Robert Elms BBC radio show last Friday. Link provided at the end of this comment. Again, the bit pertaining to this discussion starts at round about the 38.26 minutes mark.
As regards some of the more sceptical posters on here, it's true of course that there's no one unifying experience of postwar migration which adequately conveys the full gamut of lived realities, from the sharp end of prejudice to conviviality. But FFS, those signs in landlords'windows are documented! Denialism is not a good look.
All the best,
Koushik Banerjea
https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p08kcwlh
Sent from my Huawei phone
Typically there's a book, just out, which explores, as fiction (isn't it always)
many of those themes alluded to in the article: phantom history, the growing pains of multicultural Britain, the long post imperial hangover.
The book is called 'Another kind of concrete'.
It featured on the Robert Elms BBC radio show last Friday. Link provided at the bottom of this email. Again, if it's of interest, the discussion begins at 38.26 minutes in.
As for the more sceptical posters on here, whilst it's true that no one unifying experience of postwar migration adequately reflects the full gamut of lived realities, from violent prejudice to everyday conviviality, those signs in landlords' windows are documented! Denialism is also not a good look.
Koushik Banerjea
https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p08kcwlh
Sent from my Huawei phone
Apparently Clair Wills’ serious work didn’t record this phenomenon either, or later complaints. The nasty attitudes were there: isn’t that enough?
The obnoxious message is a successful rhetorical device, including its ‘No Dogs’ finale — yet many [potential] landlords were dog-lovers. Were there ‘No Indians’ or ‘No Pakis’ or ‘No Ugandans’ notices too? Paper never refused ink.
There’s no disagreement that ‘Denialism is also not a good look’.