Labour’s Defeat
James Butler
I think of the young canvassers – thousands of them – who were out on the doorsteps for the first time, in cold and miserable weather, lit up by a politics that spoke to them and for them as no political party had done before. They will be told they were wrong to believe in it. They were not.
I think of the woman, a carer for her disabled brother, who said that her life had got worse for years and years, and politicians always promised it would get better, and it didn’t, and how could she trust Labour? I think of the man who voted Labour in 2017, but wouldn’t now, because his Polish partner was scared of living here much longer. And the man who said you can’t change anything anyway, because ‘it’s all fucking rigged even when you win, look at Brexit.’
There wasn’t an obvious way for Labour to have won this election. The usual bromides will be offered up: it was Corbyn, no, it was Brexit, no, it was the manifesto, no, it was the press, no, it was credibility. All of them are in various ways true, but in all ways only partial: attitudes to Corbyn have hardened considerably since 2017; Brexit blew open a long persistent crack in Labour’s voter base; the press is execrable and even harder to deal with in the digital era. The manifesto was a bold attempt to grapple with the problems of the 21st century, and many of its policies are extraordinarily popular, but it was a document presented as if to allies, rather than to a sceptical electorate uneasy with its trust. There are other consolatory rationalisations, also insufficient: 2019 saw a return to the secular decline in Labour’s vote share, and 2017 looks like an outlier; the first-past-the-post electoral system, which had helped in the past to conceal disenchantment with the party, turned its brutal edge against it.
Anyone who claims that Labour’s leftward shift was the product of a cultish devotion to one man, and will disappear on his departure, doesn’t understand its origins or its implications. The party now has a campaigning left-wing membership that’s serious about climate change, public ownership and defending migration; no successor to Corbyn will be able to abstain on welfare bills, or promise to cut ‘harder and deeper than Thatcher’. Many who have always opposed such politics will declare it toxic, and inimical to victory ‘from the centre’. But the electoral wasteland confronting the avowed centrist parties in this election suggests that wasn’t where Labour’s lost vote went.
There are many lessons for the Labour left to learn from this election: five weeks’ enthusiasm cannot make up for decades of neglect; campaigning is about listening as much as listing policies; the conventional political virtues – presentation, messaging, and ruthless attacks on one’s opponents – can’t be circumvented by a surfeit of positivity. But without intransigent principle they are barren. All of these questions – how to blend movement and machine – will bear down on whoever is elected as Corbyn’s successor, but they are also questions the party must ask itself.
And it must find its answers quickly. Boris Johnson is in a position of strength, and desperately requires opposition, not only in parliament. His timetable on Brexit will falter in June, when he is confronted with the question of whether or not to extend the transition period. He will doubtless want a range of gaudily authoritarian social policies to distract from it. He is set, too, for confrontations over Scottish independence, especially when Brexit intensifies in the early part of next year. The defeat will have left Labour dizzy, grieving and distraught, in need of self-examination and honest dialogue. But it must prepare to get back up and fight.
Comments
Labour’s traditional heartlands - the great industrial urban areas - have been hollowed out by technology & globalism and the SNP has usurped Labour’s hegemony in Scotland.
Add all this to the fact that, as Alan Johnson commented, the working class has always deeply disappointed cults like Momentum and this leaves Labour’s chances of a parliamentary majority slim at best.
The way Labour could have won is by having been unashamedly remain, and to have done so under a leadership and program that would not have scared off Tory remainers. I say this not because that’s my ideal sort of government but because politics is the art of the possible, and there is absolutely no point in having a wonderful set of policies if one is never going to have the power to enact them.
(There’s a very good article on this by Jess Phillips in the Guardian today. She’s my choice as the next leader because I like her personality and I think she’s got the best chance of beating Johnson - the thought of ten more years of the blond beast is too much.)
Hope you are having a lovely pre-Xmas lunch. When you come back, perhaps you might like to do something about "@foolcount" like send him/her/it back to the Spectator, or on the evidence of grammar and spelling, to Trollgrad. It's a bit chilly here in South Wales for us LRBists to stand outside in a line and chant "I am RemainZealot!"
Well if ifs and ands were pots and pans. Another chapter in the decline and fall of the British Empire has been written. A new one is commencing.
It has to realise that a political party's primary function is to be a vehicle for achieving power, not a gigantic seminar for the converted. The Tories have a small and diminishing membership but it doesn't prevent them winning elections after being in power or nearly ten years. Labour needs to be led from the centre-left, forging new alliance between all anti-Tory forces, and become once again a broad progressive coalition which doesn't mean ditching all of the Corbyn agenda.
Perhaps you weren't thinking very clearly at 5.23 this morning. Or perhaps it was just after Sunday breakfast time in Moscow.
If the 2016 referendum had been won by Remain, or if May's deal had passed and we had left the EU, or in any other counterfactual you can describe, the Corbynist combination was always going to be a loser.
Almost wondering if these were the unknown attendees at Ghislaine’s “parties”.
Please: no disingenuous blubbing from Muswell Hill about the “unfairness” of it all. See your Australian-born Labour MP if symptoms persist.
Cameron and May didn't follow all those rules and nearly failed as a result. Abbott, Morrison and Johnson are the exemplars here while Corbyn and Shorten - both less popular than their parties, both bearing dozens of transformative policies - show just how not to do it.
We may not know for a few years yet who Labour's best leader will be or what targeted three-word slogan is its best route to Government; though it's a shrewd guess that Becky Long-Bailey is a terrible choice. For this reason I hope the party elects an interim leader now to pursue the listening exercise and other chastening activities required of an opposition with less than a third of the chamber's seats, who will then step aside for the challenger six or eight months out from the 2024 election.
You may vote for warmongers. I would prefer not to.