An Exercise in Forgetting
Lorna Finlayson
Amid the poppies, the parades, the TV programmes on military themes, the commemorative art works springing up in towns and villages across the country, Theresa May said last week that she would be laying a wreath at the graves of British soldiers in France on the centenary of the Armistice to commemorate ‘every member of the Armed Forces who gave their lives to protect what we hold so dear’.
It seems that it isn’t enough to reflect on the pity of war, the senselessness of the loss of life in the four years between 1914 and 1918, the unnumbered deaths of young conscripts and volunteers who had initially been told they would be ‘home by Christmas’. The First and Second World Wars are now often spoken about almost interchangeably as events in which people ‘died for our freedom’.
The actions and hardships of our contemporary, professional army, too, are assimilated to this ‘heroism’ and ‘sacrifice’ (while overlooking the thousands of homeless, mentally ill and incarcerated veterans who have been abandoned by the state). Afghanistan and Iraq are thrown into the conversation as though there were some basic continuity between the Somme, Dunkirk, and the destruction of Middle Eastern societies by aerial bombardment. The echoes of an anti-racist, anti-totalitarian message in the commemoration of the Second World War are drowned out by the roars of mindless patriotism.
There is no sense in which my great-uncle, who died at the Somme along with hundreds of thousands of others, gave his life for my freedom. He was cannon fodder in a needless imperial war which created fertile conditions for the rise of totalitarian regimes that killed millions, and which millions more would lay down their lives to defeat.
The centenary of the end of the First World War comes at a time of resurgent nationalism, rising hate crime and normalised racism. Those who wore a white poppy – a way to honour the dead while registering a protest against the glorification of war – noticed the increase in hostility and aggression with which the gesture was met this year. Many people without white faces did not want to take the risk. For all the talk of ‘lest we forget’ and ‘never again’, this Remembrance Day was an exercise in forgetting.
Comments
I think it’s worth remembering the dead, the instinct to fight for one’s home and the safety of those one loves is a noble one even if it is often subverted to foul ends. The dead of the First War gave their lives for much the same motives as those of the Second, and I think they deserve our remembrance. The hideous rise of nationalism, hate crime, and racism shouldn’t detract from that.
As for:
the instinct to fight for one’s home and the safety of those one loves is a noble one
well not if such instincts are easily triggered by a hegemonic patriotism.
Of course we should remember the dead, no one is suggesting we should forget. The argument though is that a remembrance that does not contain a political critique of the reasons for the slaughter is positively dangerous.
UK remembrance is a deeply ideological beast and feeds the mythology of British (English) exceptionalism - these myths are alive and well and, at least in part, continue to fuel the Brexit malarkey.
Is it? I don't say you're wrong, but it seems to me an open question. It may be understandable - even natural - to want to defend your home and loved ones, but I'm not sure I'd say it's necessarily a 'noble' impulse. Less noble, perhaps, than fighting on behalf of strangers and somebody else's home for which on has no affection and no bonds of loyalty.
I'm not sure how you come to that conclusion? Even if you reduce Britain to Great Britain rather than the Empire it's still the case that the SPD were the biggest party after the 1912 Federal election and that suffrage was wider in Germany.
The best evidence is that the Germans were always going to start throwing their weight around on the continent. The diplomatic dance and competing mobilizations in July 1914 throw sand in our eyes about the true cause of the war. We do better to apply the principle implied by Thucydides when he said that the real cause of the Peloponnesian War was the growth of the power of the Athenian empire and the alarm this caused in Sparta. The Great War was made inevitable by the growth of the power of the German empire and the alarm this caused in the United Kingdom. We probably can't construct a scenario in which the British were going to sit it out, whenever or however it started.
Lorna Finlayson merely calls our attention to the mostly unpalatable facts. The dismaying truth is that rich old men in all the warring nations -- nominal Christians all -- thought nothing of sacrificing their sons and grandsons to shore up what they absurdly called their nations' honor.
One longstanding argument is that people worldwide were simply Bored with Edwardian peace and -- obviously -- had No Clue what it would involve.
On the broader issue, is now perhaps the time finally to declare an end to "remembrance" (strange word, hardly applied to anything else) and the start of more dispassionate historical assessment?
The ceremonies in Cathays in Cardiff on Sunday , with gleaming uniforms, marching military bands, regimental mascot goats and ponies, had far more to do with military celebration of victory than remembering the dead and their sacrifice.
With all due respect to Joe Morison who is no doubt a far better historian, to describe a country that had military and administrative occupation of a world wide empire, kept secure by the world's most powerful navy, and had fought wars in Afghanistan in the 1880s and South Africa in the early 1900s, when not quelling tribesmen and other natives, as less militaristic than Germany is an interesting interpretation.
Cuban troops helped defeat the White Supremacist South African Defence Force.
You may say it was an abysmal failure but the people of Namibia no doubt think differently.
The outcome was the defeat of political white supremacy.
As for the rest - John Maynard Keynes took to his bed in anguish at the Treaty of Versailles, as all he foresaw was the continuation of conflict.
Angela Carter described war as "Old men sending out young men to die" and the survivors of the "colonial" conflicts sent them to the Great War and the Great War survivors sent them to WWII.
The anti-conscription and pacifist movements were incredibly engaged with their societies - in Australia there were two referenda and the vote AGAINST conscription INCREASED on the second vote.
And old men continue to send out young men to die.
The revisionism over the past four years has been staggering. The voices who opposed the war such as Lenin, Jaures, Hardie, Leibneckt and Luxembourg have been totally erased.
The book 'A social history of the machine gun' describes quite convincingly how it was that men walked into hails of bullets for several years - no nobility or sacrifice - and how it was the military had no worthwhile strategy because the gun had only been used previously to quell the African 'natives' armed with assagais - except when it jammed (frequently) when they became dead 'heroes'.
There was an arms race in the years leading up to 1914, between the British and German navies. Generals and admirals (and politicians) can only prove their 'superiority' in weapons and tactics by actually going to war. Which is at least in part why the world has not been without war since the year dot, and why nuclear weapons WILL be used - just a matter of when, particularly in a world with Trumps and Bojos, and failed states like Pakistan.
Deserters were court-martialed; of the 200,000 or so men court-martialed during the First World War, 20,000 were found guilty of offences carrying the death penalty. Of those, 3000 actually received it, and of those sentences, 346 were carried out. 37 of these were for murder, the other 309 for desertion.
Sources:
https://www.longlongtrail.co.uk/army/some-british-army-statistics-of-the-great-war/
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Shot_at_Dawn_Memorial&oldid=867355633
In later life dad loved, appropriately enough, “Dad’s Army” and for the same reason millions of fellow veterans did. This didn’t stop him - or them, I’d imagine - from feeling that Hitler had needed to be fought, but there was as much to satirise and ridicule about the war as to feel proud about it. He hated what he felt was the bullshit of Rememberance Sunday, because it falsified memory and implicitly glorified war.
(I read about this in a letter published in Telerama)
This applies to Joffre, Falkenhayn (Moltke's quick replacement), Conrad von Hoetzendorf, Haig, et al. Pershing's only hang-up was his desire to have American troops operate entirely under their own high-command control - casualties didn't bother him either. Falkenhayn based the Verdun offensive on the idea that he could bleed the French army to death - if he lost 500,000 men, so be it, as long as the French lost a few more - he knew Germany had greater manpower reserves, so he could afford to be prodigal in wasting lives. I've left out the Russians here, but they were also indifferent to huge losses. You can fairly say that all of these men (and their replacements, e.g., Hindenburg-Ludendorff) were thoroughly amoral (or immoral) in their readiness to spend the lives of their troops to achieve military objectives which they presumed would be converted into some kind of political victory (enhanced territory, losers paying the cost, rearranging the balance of power, etc.),
As the death-toll mounted civilian leadership intransigence increased too, making "war-aims" more total and preposterous. The post-war tears shed by any of these leaders over the lost troops were truly crocodile tears, with many of them devoting the balance of their lives to ensuring that their reputations were falsely burnished rather than realistically appraised.