The Drift towards War
Adam Shatz
Benjamin Netanyahu first met Donald Trump in 1986, when they were introduced by Ronald Lauder, the heir of the Estée Lauder cosmetics fortune and a Republican donor. They became friendly, but Netanyahu, who was Israel’s ambassador to the UN at the time, doubted that the real-estate entrepreneur would be very useful to his future political aspirations. He added Trump to his handwritten list of millionaires to whom he might turn for favours, but ‘he was in the lowest category,’ Anshel Pfeffer writes in his new biography of Netanyahu, ‘indicating that he was good for an occasional favour, but not much more.’[*]
Like many people, Netanyahu underestimated his new friend. On Tuesday, Trump fulfilled a long-held wish of the Israeli prime minister when he declared that the United States would be withdrawing from the Iranian nuclear agreement, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, and imposing harsh new sanctions on Tehran. Trump’s announcement lifted a number of points from a recent speech of Netanyahu’s on Iranian deceit.
The next day, Israel carried out a series of strikes against Iranian targets in Syria, killing 23 fighters, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. Israel said that the assault, its largest inside Syria since the 1973 war, was in response to Iranian rockets fired at the occupied Golan Heights, although none had hit their targets, and there were no casualties. ‘They need to remember the saying that if it rains on us, it'll storm on them,’ Israel’s defence minister, Avigdor Lieberman, said.
It was a classic example of 'active defence', Israel's policy of responding to small provocations with disproportionate force, and is all but designed to escalate confrontation. Over the last quarter century of shadow warfare with Israel, Iran has steered clear of direct clashes, preferring to respond via proxies such as Hizbullah. But with both Hizbullah soldiers and Iranian advisers deeply involved in efforts to prop up Bashar al-Assad in Syria, it has become increasingly difficult to avoid direct confrontation. Over the last few years, Israel has carried out hundreds of strikes inside Syria, mostly aimed at Hizbullah military convoys suspected of transferring advanced weapons into the Bekaa Valley. In February, however, after intercepting what it claimed to be an armed Iranian drone in its airspace, Israel struck for the first time at Iranian targets, killing at least seven members of the Quds Force, the external operations unit of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard. The possibility of an Israeli-Iranian war is now higher than it has ever been, since Iran feels encircled, and Israel believes that it has a green light from Washington for further military adventures.
Averting this scenario, which the protracted Syrian quagmire has made increasingly likely, was one of the reasons Barack Obama pursued the nuclear agreement with such single-mindedness – even to the point of ignoring his own 'red lines' on the use of chemical weapons by the Assad regime. As Pfeffer reports, Obama and his advisers were so terrified that Netanyahu might carry out a pre-emptive strike against Iran's nuclear facilities that they stepped up their spying on their Israeli allies. The late Mossad chief Meir Dagan, sharing their fears, leaked intelligence on Netanyahu’s war plans to the Americans.
Netanyahu knew that a deal might limit his room for manouevre against Iran, and launched a campaign against it as soon as he learned of meetings between the permanent members of the UN Security Council and Germany (the so-called P5+1) and Iran. After an interim agreement was reached in Geneva in 2013, he denounced it as ‘not a historic agreement, but a historic mistake’. He repeated this claim in his March 2014 address to the US Congress, for which he received 26 standing ovations.
The ‘historic mistake’ worked: UN nuclear inspectors verified Iran’s compliance with its JCPOA obligations, European firms moved into Iran, and Iranians began to experience a measure of relief, as their conditions improved. But that was just the problem in the eyes of the deal’s adversaries. For Netanyahu and Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman of Saudi Arabia, who told Jeffrey Goldberg that Iran’s supreme leader ‘makes Hitler look good’, the main issue was never – or never merely – Iran’s pursuit of a bomb, but its pursuit of international legitimacy.
Obama and the other leaders of the P5+1 had offered Iran an end to political isolation and economic punishment, in return for ending its efforts to go nuclear, without obliging it to cut its ties with Hizbullah, Hamas or the Houthis in Yemen. This was what the Israelis and the Saudis could not abide, and the Trump administration couldn’t either. As a French official quoted by the International Crisis Group put it, ‘the Trump administration's problem is not with the deal; it's with the Islamic Republic of Iran. We are in 2018, but the US is stuck in 1979.’
For all his impulsiveness, Trump's decision to withdraw from the Iran deal in search of a ‘better’ (non-existent) one was never much in doubt. It was the pillar of Obama's foreign policy legacy; if only for that reason, Trump found it intolerable. He fulminated against it with his usual invective (‘horrible’, ‘one-sided’, ‘rotten’); his aides hired an Israeli private intelligence firm called Black Cube to smear two of Obama's negotiators and other supporters of the agreement.
But while the destruction of Obama's legacy might explain the intensity of Trump's animus, his decision is consistent with his overall posture of unconditional alignment with the Israeli-Saudi axis in the Middle East. Under Trump, the US has deepened its involvement in the Saudi war against the Houthis in Yemen, sending Green Berets to advise clandestine operations; ended any pressure on Egypt, a key Saudi and Israeli ally, over its abominable human rights record; and given Israel free reign as it kills unarmed protestors on the Gaza border, and deports researchers from Human Rights Watch and academics who oppose the occupation.
Even so, the withdrawal from the Iran agreement is especially dramatic, and especially reckless. 'I wanted to break it or do something,’ Trump said after firing Rex Tillerson, ‘and he felt a little bit differently.' The defence secretary, James Mattis, also argued against withdrawal, but was outvoted by the national security adviser, John Bolton, and the secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, both of whom have called for the overthrow of the Islamic Republic. Their hope is that by weakening Iran economically, the US government may force Tehran to its knees and compel it to break off relations with Hizbullah, Hamas and the Houthis, or provoke a popular uprising against the Islamic Republic.
But, in the absence of full normalisation, the Iranian government is not going to surrender its military assets, which have helped it expand its regional influence and provided a deterrent against Israeli attack; nor can it be expected to adhere to the terms of an agreement that the US has itself abandoned. And no matter how angry they may be with the regime, Iranians have little appetite for another revolution, particularly if it can be depicted by the deep state as a plot hatched in Washington, Tel Aviv and Riyadh. This would leave Iran’s opponents with only one other option, namely the use of military force, a policy that King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia quietly championed in 2008, when, as Wikileaks revealed, he urged the Bush administration to launch strikes against Iran's nuclear facilities and 'cut off the head of the snake'. There is little reason to think this is off the table, any more than it was with Iraq in 2003.
Trump's withdrawal has emboldened hardliners in Iran, who have invoked it as proof that America can never be trusted, a view that has seemed reasonable to most Iranians since the overthrow of Mossadegh. A group gleefully burned the American flag in parliament. President Hassan Rouhani and his foreign minister, Mohammed Javad Zarif, who represent the regime's pragmatic, internationalist wing, have been humiliated and are not likely to remain in power for long. Some Iranian conservatives, sensing that their moment has arrived, advocate pulling out of the agreement; a nuclear bomb ‘is increasingly seen as the the rational option’, according to one. They will want to avoid the fate of Muammar Gaddafi, who dismantled Libya's nuclear programme only to be removed from power and murdered in a Nato intervention.
Iran’s economy is on the verge of collapse, and the patience of Iranians with their government's foreign adventures is wearing thin, particularly if they result in extensive Iranian casualties. Still, Iran plays a long game, and it isn't likely to continue to absorb strikes against its positions in Syria, or on its infrastructure, without commensurate response, however delayed.
This does not mean that war is inevitable, but the drift towards it is unmistakable and accelerating, whether or not anyone actually wants it. Trump, who has done nothing to stop gun violence in the US, has shown no more inclination to prevent regional warfare in the Middle East. The only country that could potentially restore calm is Russia, which has good relations with all the parties to the conflict: Israel, Iran, Syria and Hizbullah. But, as Robert Malley, the president of the International Crisis Group and one of Obama’s advisers on the Iran deal, told me, ‘Putin usually prefers to step in after the explosion has taken place, rather than try and regulate and manage things beforehand. Trying to set rules of the road in advance would be a hazardous gambit for him, because he doesn't want to take the risk of showing that he might not deliver. If he fails, it will be evidence of the limits of Russia's power, and at least some of his power is based on the exaggerated perception of his influence.’
I asked Malley if, as one of the architects of the deal, he felt disheartened by its sudden unravelling. He said it was preferable to ‘a muddle-through where Iran no longer gets the benefits of the deal and might decide to walk away’. This way, because America's responsibility for the deal's failure is ‘unambiguous’, and because the attempts of European officials such as Macron to reason with Trump have been shown to be folly, ‘it’s very clear what Europe has to do to ensure that the deal is maintained.’ Whether Europe will show the necessary resolve is an open question, however: the Trump administration is already threatening sanctions against Europeans who do business in Iran.
[*]Adam Shatz will review Anshel Pfeffer’s book in a forthcoming issue of the LRB.
Comments
There are any number of ways a country can promote it and its region's stability and security. But a policy of responding to small provocations with disproportionate force will tend to escalate confrontations.
I didn't think I had expressed a view on Iran's intentions. I only meant to echo Adam's observation that disproportionate responses tend to cause conflict. This applies to comments on blogs as much as to geopolitics, so Fred I'll just say I hope you and your family are all safe. Your post made me wonder, though: do you or they live in an Israeli settlement or military position? No particular reason, I'm just asking.
And congratulations on the Eurovision win last night, I just looked it up and it really is three minutes of glorious weirdness.
What a provocation entails, whether you define it as big or small, certainly involves an intention, and that is what the Israeli army and intelligence services are equipped to decipher, far more so than armchair quarterbacks.
For a start Iran's last experience of war was very unhappy, Khomenieni snatched defeat from the jaws of victory and when the end came admitted that it was like 'drinking poison'. He then quickly launched his fatwa against Rushdie, to take evryone's mind off his disastrous strategy.
Iran sent child soldiers into battle, an Iranian friend watched troop trains of excited adolescent boys waving guns head for the front, only to return as corpses or badly wounded.To put it simply, if you were an unhappy 14 year old boy ,you could defy your family and sign up for death or glory, many did.
Certainly Iran is surrounded by enemies, the worst being Saudi Arabia, not Israel.
http://www.israelnationalnews.com/News/News.aspx/242172
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/israel-not-exist-25-years-iran-ayatollah-khamenei-threat-iran-benjamin-netanyahu-israel-tiger-not-a7476341.html
https://en.radiofarda.com/a/iran-army-commander-israel-annhilation/29122935.html
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/oct/27/israel.iran
For the US, the problem with Iran is neither its nuclear capabilities nor its mullahs. An independent powerful country in the Middle East is not tolerated by the US. Only Israel has the legitimacy of being a major player so Iran must go regardless of who is ruling the country.
Just look at the US policy towards Iran in the past couple of decades. Dismantling (with Britain’s help) the democratic government of Mosaddegh in 1953, helping mullahs to topple the Shah in 1979 (Shah had a very good relationship with Israel) and then trying to get rid of mullahs since then when they realised they could not be trusted.
The problem with Iran is that it is too big and powerful - for the US, Israel and Saudi Arabia - to be tolerated. So there is only one “final solution”: Balkanisation - destroying Iran by attacking its infrastructure and breaking it into several tiny countries none of which could possess any real power. Israel is incapable of achieving this goal (let alone Saudi Arabia); if they knew they could win, they would have invaded Iran years ago. The only country who can perform this task successfully is the US. Are Americans prepared to go to war again, this time for the sake of Israel and Saudi Arabia?
As usual, as it is the case all over the world, ordinary people will pay the price of their rulers' follies.
As newly declassified American documents show, the U.S. Embassy not only acted as a facilitator for these negotiations but also decided whom the military should negotiate with.
In the months before the revolution, Khomeini and his allies initiated extensive contacts with the American government and embassy in Tehran and Paris. William Sullivan, sadly ignorant of the history of Iran and of Shiism, concluded in November 1978 that the only force capable of creating a democracy in Iran, and also standing up to the Soviets, was that of Khomeini and his supporters.”
https://www.amazon.com/Shah-Abbas-Milani/dp/0230340385
But surely a "pacted transition" (much like what we in South Africa had in 1990-94) is different from "helping to topple"?
There is a difference between criticism and hatred and it is easy enough to tell the difference. When people start pontificating about countries they've never seen where people speak languages they don't understand on the basis of three-minute "items" on the telly and second- and third-hand English- languages sources that they are unequipped to verify or evaluate, that certainly arouses suspicion.
Most Israel haters, by the way, are Russia lovers, because they are America haters too, so they bend over backwards to rationalize whatever Russia does.
It isn't enough to count bodies because in war it is generally the losing side that sustains the greatest losses and it is often the losing side that is the aggressor. But if you like counting, start with Dresden and then maybe you'll understand how England makes war and how Israel makes war.
And by the way, you are not really criticizing Putin. You are repeating whatever you pick up on the telly or read in other people's blogs. You don't know enough about Russia to talk about it intelligently, just as you don't know enough about the Middle East to talk about it intelligently. I also don't know enough about Russia to talk about it intelligently, so I don't talk about it at all, and I certainly don't spend my time feverishly combing the Internet to get some dirt on it. I confess though that I sometimes talk about England, but then again I've been there, know the language, know the people, know the culture, know the ethos, know the history, know the literature. On the other hand I wouldn't presume to pontificate about France, though I have also been there, know the language, know the history and the literature, but not so much the people. I'm just not as presumptuous as you are and am not boiling over with your resentments and animosities.
My contributions are not about the wisdom of the Likud's policies but about the ignorance and malevolence of the Israel haters.
In other words, Iran kept their part of the bargain, but the Americans (well, the ones urging Trump on) got greedy. As is often the case.
Good to see the lrb blog fulfilling its' usual therapeutic function!
In the comments on Neve Gordon’s blog piece, you complained that Israel is being held to higher standards than the countries around her. That's true but does not in any way negate the validity of the criticism, and it is not unfair. First, because Israel claims such a position for herself, that she is part of the Western family of nations - when I was a boy and naively believed in ‘our’ superiority, I saw Israel as an island of civilization in a sea of barbarism; absurd, but I still believe in Enlightenment values and I still believe that Israel could be the greatest force for the spread of those values in the region. Israel expects more of herself, and so do those of us outsiders who believe in her. Second, we have considerable responsibility for the creation of Israel (this, after all, is the city in which the Balfour Declaration was drafted) which means we cannot help but feel concerned about her actions in a way we aren’t for her neighbours’. And, finally, there’s the cultural affinity: the democracy, the wide spread use of English, and our leisure - when I was young, working on a kibbutz was one of the more popular holidays; in Israel, Shakespeare is part of the curriculum and the Eurovision has been won, again. There are so many reasons why people over here want to support Israel; mostly, the vehemence of the criticism towards you comes not from anti-Semitism but disappointment.
I’m not going to engage you in any arguments about specifics because you know so much more about what is happening that you can win any argument. But I compare you to an Israeli friend of mine: she’s an academic in Tel Aviv, her parents were camp survivors and as a little girl in Poland she would creep down at night and listen to her parents’ and their friends’ stories (“you would not believe what I heard, Joe, you would not believe it”); they came to Israel when she was still little. So her love of Israel is deep, every bit as deep as yours I guess; but her despair with what Israel is now doing almost led her to leave the country for good a couple of years ago, and she is glad that her son and grandchild are in the US. She wouldn’t lose any arguments with you and her love of Israel cannot be doubted, you should understand that most of the people here are in her camp and hate the Jew haters as much as any gentile can.
As for the settlements, the peace process and all the rest, the parameters are understood by everyone and it is up to the Palestinians to resume the negotiations. If Netanyahu refuses to sit with them or makes new or unreasonable demands, then Israel's detractors will have a legitimate cause to complain.
When it comes to the British role in establishing Israel, perhaps remember that for every Briton that wishes the country well there's one who resents it for defeating British forces to establish the new state.
A thought experiment for you. No need to say that Palestinians or others in the region should stop firing missiles at Israeli civilian positions, or that it is wrong for governments or people to say Israel has no right to exist: there, I've said it for you. So, without using the words "Arab", "suicide" or "bomber", would you like to comment on the fact that today Israeli forces killed 41 Palestinians and wounded at least 900 in Gaza, about half with live bullets? Any criticism of Israeli policy or policing?
If not, care to speculate how many Palestinians Israeli security forces would have to shoot in a day for you to criticise them?
"Uninformed people who have never seen an Arab mob in action but hate the State of Israel, if not worse, are eager to buy into the idyllic fiction that the Gaza demonstrators are flower children quietly singing antiwar songs with a few oldtime spirituals thrown in as well. The Gaza demonstrations were organized by Hamas with the declared aim of overrunning the border and marching on Jerusalem. Most of the demonstrators are Hamas activists. The demonstrations have been accompanied by rock throwing, Molotov cocktails, gunfire, and attempts to lay explosive charges at the security fence and even to fly burning kites into Israel to set fields on fire. 30-40,000 hysterical Arabs allowed to advance on soldiers or civilians is an immediate danger to life and limb and reason enough for Israeli soldiers to use live ammunition to stop them, because if they didn’t, anyone in their path would be torn to pieces. If Israel was firing indiscriminately, hundreds if not thousands would already be dead. The fire is directed at the Hamas ringleaders and other hotheads in the vanguard of the demonstrations. It is inevitable that “innocent” or unarmed individuals are going to be hit. The remedy is to keep their distance within the parameters laid down by Israel. In the meanwhile, Hamas has made the “mistake” of posting photos of its fighters in full battle dress who were killed in the clashes, and duly rebuked by its supporters for giving the game away."
Since then Hamas has changed its tactics slightly, not identifying those killed as their own people but still maintaining pockets of armed fighters with explosives and guns inside the mobs. Do you really not understand what 40,000 hysterical Arabs are capable of and what would happen if the army didn't stop them.
In the same vein in which climate deniers, creationists and flat-earthers are often asked to identify the hypothetical piece of evidence that would lead them to change their views and accept the scientific mainstream, could I ask please Fred as a special favour to all of us that you hold off commenting for a little while - just to give us all a breather, you know, from your special viewpoint - until you are able to answer the question: how many Palestinians can Israel shoot before you criticise the Israeli security forces?
God bless,
Semitone
I'm sure you are having a great day today Fred but that is a disgusting, racist comment. You are a shameful human being.
Albert Einstein and Hannah Ardent recognised your pathology 70 years ago.
https://www.haaretz.com/jewish/.premium-1948-n-y-times-letter-by-einstein-slams-begin-1.5340057
Sure you don't want to try again, Fred? How many Arabs have to die before the threat is over and you're happy? Go on, pick a number. Doesn't have to be exact, to the nearest six million will do.
Go on, pick a number.
Here is the a piece from the Israel hating Independent.
https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/it-is-10-years-since-un-peacekeepers-were-killed-in-southern-lebanon-and-it-could-happen-again-now-a7154571.html
and another from the Israel hating Guardian
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2006/jul/27/syria.israel4
I can't find the speech made by the Israeli ambassador to the UN at the time, but its arrogant and unapologetic tone sealed my contempt for the Likud. If you equate that with hatred of Israel fair enough, because thanks to the settler movement the two are becoming synonymous, to the despair it has to be said to many of your countrymen.
To sum up, unless the haters wish to go another round: The phenomenon of Israel hatred has less to do with the Palestinians as victims than with Israel (and America) as culprits. The will to criminalize and delegitimize Israel has bred an army of blog crawlers who spend their days combing the Internet for incriminating evidence which they then uncritically and a little mindlessly cut and paste or "reference" in their vicious comments on anti-Israel blogs like this one. Remove Israel and America from the equation and these people couldn't care less how many Arabs or Africans or Asians or Slavs are slaughtered in local wars. You certainly won't find them bouncing around the Internet "sticking it" to the truly genocidal nations.
As for the substantive issues, I have dealt with them, so honest readers can decide for themselves what is going on in Gaza or in Syria.
https://www.scarletleafreview.com/nonfiction2
But perhaps you are not naive at all. Why give up on a strategy which has worked perfectly well so far ?
Like Joe Morison, I was brought up on the left and knew/know many Jewish comrades. Back in the 50s when I was about 10 I saw film of the aftermath of the Holocaust, and it gave me nightmares. I saw some of the same film used in Alain Resnais 'Nuit et Brouillard' and was shocked, and indeed troubled by the ending. I used this film in my teaching - there are many ways it can be used in 'communication' or film study, but I wanted my students to know what happened.
We saw Israel as potentially the first socialist state, and quite a few went on a kibbutz to experience something of that spirit. However the 6 day war came as a shock - suddenly facts, long hidden, about the creation of the state of Israel started to come out. I and my Jewish girlfriend at the time were very troubled, and undoubtedly we were confused - where did we stand?
I have since been to Israel and worked with Jewish partners (mostly Labour voters and atheists or nearly), who were very critical of Netanyahu and the Likud, and unhappy with many things done supposedly in their name. I loved Tel Aviv, but not Jerusalem, where I felt very uneasy among the religious 'frenzy'. I don't like what the Israeli government and its forces are doing to the Palestinians and the ongoing theft of their land and livelihoods, the contempt for United Nations resolutions. I am not against the existence of the State of Israel (behind borders more like those of 1948, or whatever the parties can agree to) but in hindsight, it probably wasn't a good idea, to say the least. Of course the situation was exacerbated because the UK and the USA put very low quotas on refugees who then had nowhere to go - there was latent anti-semitism in both countries. I don't like being labelled anti-semitic (I was on the demos agains Mosely and his later incarnations) because I dare to express an opinion. But I expect you will throw such abuse at me unfortunately and not to your credit. Here is one of your despised websites. It is in French, but you speak it. Apparently three Jewish Isaeli researchers were given access to the national achives. They went in believing the revisionist history you espouse; they came out shocked that they had been told many lies and halftruths.
visionscarto.net/1948-La-Palestine-des-archives-aux-cartes
The writer of this summary of their research is shocked to discover that Rabin was among those causing the Palestinians to flee through terror. For those who do not read French the maps are very revealing. The West Bank is now a series of Bantustans that would have made even the Apartheid regime blush with shame.
I'll leave it there
It is not very difficult to distinguish between criticism and hatred. As for insults, note what I have been called here.
As I remember, Jordan gifted the West Bank to the Palestinians, but Israel (the Israeli government) blocked any possible moves towards peace. You do not comment on the web site and its exposure by Jewish Israeli academic researchers of the revisionist history you espouse.
I do not know why you do it except to paint those critical of Israeli politics and military action as Jew-haters and anti-semites. (My paternal grandmother was Jewish). And I have to congratulate you - it is working. Maybe I could be charged as a conspiracy theorist, but it seems to be a concerted campaign, perhaps led from the office of Netanyahu himself.
By the way, I am sure you know the website of Neturei Karta International (Jews United Against Zionism) which also challenges the revisionist history, and the stealing of Arab lands.
Whatever it was, then, it obviously wasn't the settlements or the Likud or chopped-down olive groves. The animosity was already there, wasn't it? Try to explain specifically what you discovered in 1967 that turned you against Israel and what your sources of information were since, as you say, I am ignorant of the problems of historiography.
What a pity nationalists like Mr Skolnik, rushing to the defence of all that is indefensible in the behaviour of their adopted country, are never guided by such wise advice.
Duly enlightened by his indefatigable interventions, I now understand as never before that Israel, by definition, is virtuous, humane, enlightened and responsible. "The Arabs", by definition, I am now forced to concede, are low, cunning, irresponsible, and hysterica. This too by definition.
The scales having fallen from my eyes thanks to Fred, I now see that nothing untoward is happening in the occupied territories and that to call them occupied is to fall for a malicious lie.
Mea maxima culpa re: the Gaza protests: they are actuated, Fred irrefutably has demonstrated, by murderous hatred for Jews, pure and simple. He has shown that 58 unarmed civilians shot on sight and thousands wounded simply got what they deserved. They, like me, have no grounds for complaint.
Thanks to Fred's penetrating analyses, my subconscious has been laid bare: I see now that deep down and in a way hitherto unsuspected I am an an unreconstructed and vicious antisemite, like all of my fellows here on this blog and like those who write for and read the LRB.
Have I missed anything?
Tsk, LRB!
The views attributed to you in my comment: are they a misrepresentation?
Are they false? Scurrilous?
"that Israel, by definition, is virtuous, humane, enlightened and responsible. “The Arabs”, by definition, I am now forced to concede, are low, cunning, irresponsible, and hysterica. This too by definition" or "to call [the occupied territories] occupied is to fall for a malicious lie"
or any of the rest.
You sound a little crazy, to tell you the truth. When you get ahold of yourself, start your reading at the point I indicated.
Did I put these very words into your mouth? No. I asked you if you hold such views. If, that is, they reflect your thoughts mor or less.
To make sure you understand now: I asked you if this is at bottom what you think.
From all that you have written in reply to other comments on this blog, it certainly looks like it.
Do I have these views? Not in the least. I have never and would never use those words to characterize Jews or Arabs, which means that I do not have the views that these words describe. I did call the rampaging mob in Gaza hysterical, though. That's about the only context in which I'd use the word. I addressed two issues: the Israeli attack against Iranian installations in Syria and the demonstrations in Gaza. In each case I explained how Israel perceives the threats and why it acted as it did. Apparently that's more than you can handle.
All quite kosher, that? Nothing much to get upset about so far as you're concerned, I suppose? Or are we to be treated to more blather from you about "parameters," etc.
The deafening silence on your part speaks volumes.
"Deafening silence"?
I always say "occupation." Even above: "Jordan attacked Israel and Israel occupied the West Bank."
All you're doing now is trying to save face. You're letting down the haters with all this sniveling.
I conclude that you're perfectly OK with Israel's atrocious behaviour in the Occupied Territories and certainly losing no sleep over it. On its part, so far as F.Skolnik's concerned, nothing untoward or seriously wrong is going on there, I suppose. Settler rampages, house demolitions, midnight arrests, arbitrary detention and imprisonment, outright theft of property, military rule of a people without civil rights or legal redress, the whole wretched business - nothing to get too worked up about, right?
b.t.w., have ever considered taking an advanced English literacy class? I ask because plainly you have problems understanding what you read. In asking for your views, I should have thought it was obvious that I was thinking of Israel,qua an entity which apparently in your eyes can do and has done no wrong, and "The Arabs", seen by you (it seems not unfair to say as given collectively to irrational violence and incomprehensible murderous hatred.
Note that I was not asking about "Israelis" vs. Arabs, Or about Jews vs. Arabs - a binary opposition on which you seem to be fixated. But then, making categorical distinctions is hard to do when one has got antisemitism on the brain.
Have a look at Henry Siegman's article in the latest LRB. If you can understand it or have the patience to consider what he says, it will render you apoplectic I daresay. But I wonder whether Rabbi Siegman too is now classed in your mind among the "haters", bent on peddling malicious lies about Israel/Palestine.
I really appreciate Stephen Sedley's 'Short Cuts' in the current LRB. I have never been a member of the Labour Party but the attempts by those on the right to paint those, like me, critical of the Israeli government and its politics and military actions, as anti-semites, is very nasty.
You have only yourself to blame for how you are perceived. The fact that you cavalierly refer to the murder of over 1,000 Israeli civilians by the terrorists as the killing of "some civilians" and unleash a diatribe about the killing in Gaza of mostly members of these same terrorist organizations tells people exactly who and what you are, what your values are, what your humanity is, and how unbalanced you are in every sense of the word.
No sane person would entrust his life to you on the basis of your understanding of what 40,000 Palestinian rioters intended to do.