Trump v. the Law
Anne Orford
An enraged President Trump, surrounded by uniformed military leaders, used the same press conference last week to condemn a raid on the office of his personal attorney, Michael Cohen, and announce that he was ‘making a decision as to what we do with respect to the horrible attack that was made near Damascus’. ‘In our world,’ Trump said, ‘we can’t let atrocities like we all witnessed’ happen, and ‘because of the power of our country – we’re able to stop it.’ That is the image, and the language, it will be necessary to keep in mind during the coming months if we are to understand the relationship between domestic crisis, foreign relations, the rule of law, military force, authoritarian populism and visual culture that is poised to reshape the international order.
Most international lawyers agree that the missile strikes against Syria at the weekend were illegal. Few governments other than those of the US, the UK and France have ever seriously proposed that international law allows hegemonic states to use force to police weapons conventions, punish criminals or pursue humanitarian objectives without Security Council authorisation. This is not because the majority of the world’s leaders are evil monsters or the majority of the world’s peoples passive dupes, but because the moral certainties and civilising missions of heavily armed hegemonic states continue to represent a significant global threat to peace, security and humanity.
Yet many of the same liberal establishment figures who decry Trump’s undermining of the rule of law and democratic political institutions in the US have again celebrated his resort to force in Syria. This is a symptom of a broader pattern of dualistic thinking about the relation between domestic and international politics. For decades, liberal internationalists have maintained a commitment to the rule of law domestically, but urged their governments to abandon the UN Charter rules governing the use of force. They have developed novel legal interpretations explaining why new forms of intervention to protect civilians, fight terrorists and secure vital resources are not only necessary but righteous. They are convinced that the means of undermining international law is justified by the ends of a liberal international order, and that it will be possible to quarantine the undermining of law internationally from the undermining of law domestically.
For the people of Syria, and of any state in which foreign intervention has somehow come to seem normal rather than scandalous, the division between a domestic and an international rule of law has long been non-existent. Syria, like Afghanistan, Nicaragua, Vietnam and numerous other states before it, has become the devastated site of proxy wars between great powers. For many newly independent states during the 1960s and 1970s, it was already clear that, while the UN Charter prohibited the resort to force as a tool of foreign relations, it would be far more difficult to restrain major powers from engaging in proxy wars. The consolidation of international legal principles to prevent new forms of intervention in civil wars and to respect sovereign equality was seen as a necessary condition for meaningful self-determination. The consequences of violating those hard-fought principles, and the dangers of the unrestrained militarisation of civilian life, can be seen from the situation in Syria, where an internationalised civil war raging since 2011 has resulted in more than 450,000 killings, 5.4 million Syrians registered as refugees in neighbouring states, and the destabilisation of the entire region.
The illusory nature of a division between the commitment to law domestically and internationally is now also becoming clear in the US, as the tableau of Trump and his military advisers shows. Trump has taken up the language of red lines to threaten not only Bashar al-Assad (‘When our president draws a red line, our president enforces a red line,’ the US ambassador to the UN, Nikki Haley, announced), but also Robert Mueller. Trump described the raid on his lawyer’s office (duly authorised by warrants) as an ‘attack on our country’. He did so while surrounded by the military leaders of, as he put it, ‘the greatest fighting force ever’. He claims for himself the right to decide where and when the rule of law begins and ends. The challenge to democracy that this approach to the law represents is clear domestically. Trump’s presidency is now revealing to liberal audiences why it also matters internationally. Unless that challenge can be resisted, a world in which an authoritarian leader surrounded by military advisers dictates the limits of the law will be the world in which the US, its allies and its enemies will have to exist for years to come.
Comments
The UNSC veto is a mechanism which can prevent, or at least discourage, an aggressive superpower from pressurising a majority of council members to support a particular course of action such as a military intervention. We have seen what happened in 2011 when the veto was unwisely not applied with reference to the proposed 'no-fly zone' over Libya. The ‘no-fly zone’ turned into a full-scale campaign of military aggression and regime change, resulting in the destruction of what had been a functioning secular state and its replacement by an assortment of warring factions, some of them of an extremely violent islamist character.
There already exists a procedure whereby a UNSC veto (or the threat of one) can be legitimately over-ruled (or by-passed). In the ‘Uniting for Peace’ resolution, passed by the UN general assembly in 1950 “The General Assembly...resolves that that if the Security Council, because of lack of unanimity of the permanent members, fails to exercise its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security in any case where there appears to be a threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression, the General Assembly shall consider the matter immediately with a view to making appropriate recommendations to Members for collective measures, including in the case of a breach of the peace or act of aggression the use of armed force when necessary, to maintain or restore international peace and security. If not in session at the time, the General Assembly may meet in emergency special session within twenty-four hours of the request therefor. Such emergency special session shall be called if requested by the Security Council on the vote of any seven members, or by a majority of the Members of the United Nations...”.
There is nothing to prevent the US and its supporters from resorting to the Uniting for Peace mechanism should they be unable to get a resolution passed by the security council.
Does American domestic law have any credibility when the police can kill minorities with impunity and virtually always get away with it? At the top levels of government we have seen David Petraues and Hillary Clinton receive preferable whilst genuine whistle blowers have been persecuted. Obama and Holder's refusal to investigate the causes of the Great Crash is probably the most egregious example of the lack of justice in the USA.
Something which does not exist cannot be undermined. Any law which cannot be applied equally without fear or favour deserves to be treated with contempt.
Although it is widely held that blacks and hispanics in the US are more likely to be killed by police while resisting arrest than white people, there is evidence to the contrary. The Washington Post has created a data base on police killings.See 3w.washingtonpost.com/graphics/national/police-shootings
Using this database blogger Willis Eschenbach has found that in the USA in the year 2015:
"• For every 10,000 white people arrested for a violent crime, 38 white people were killed by police (± 2).
• For every 10,000 hispanic people arrested for a violent crime, 21 hispanic people were killed by police (± 3).
• For every 10,000 black people arrested for a violent crime, 21 black people were killed by police (± 2)."
Eschenbach concludes that "...the odds of a given arrest going bad and ending up in a death are much greater for white men than for black or hispanic men."
Of course all the figures are higher than one would like them to be, and nobody denies the presence of racism in the police, but it might be less misleading if 'minorities' in Stu Bry's comment was replaced by 'people'.
I can provide a link to Eschenbach's blog post if anyone is ínterested. Or you can search under 'rosebyanyothernameblog' and then look for 'when-arrests-go-bad'
On the question of police killing minorities with impunity, you are quite correct.
On the question raised by the blog post, it is Delaide's response identifying the politics behind all this that is pertinent. I daydreamed the following scenario and the question of humanitarian intervention.
'The Israeli government has (1) outlawed opposition parties (2) shut down trade unions and (3) removed all arab Israeli citizens to concentration camps in Israel, where it proceeds to (4) starve and then murder them. This process takes place over a period of several years.
The facts seep out through photographic evidence and witness testimony. At the UN Security Council the USA vetoes intervention. China and Russia abstain. A majority at the General Assembly votes to intervene on humanitarian grounds. Sweden is prepared to go it alone with an armed force and they are joined by South Africa. Arab nations are divided and squabbling amongst themselves.'
What do you propose?
Now, substitute the word "Israel" for "Syria" or make other name changes necessary to have a ball.
Meanwhile, all along the watchtower, fires are raging.
International law can only be enforced on those who lack the means to fight back. There is no justice in that.