Call it terrorism
Des Freedman
What do you call the premeditated murder of 59 people by a heavily armed civilian? News media appear to have settled on the phrase ‘mass shooting’, avoiding the more incendiary term ‘terrorism’ because, we are told, there is no obvious motive behind the shooter’s actions. Masha Gessen in the New Yorker urges us not to describe this as an act of terror because, so far, ‘no evidence has emerged that the Las Vegas shooter was motivated by political beliefs.’ Scott Shane in the New York Times agreed that the ‘mass killing of innocents, even on the scale of Las Vegas, does not automatically meet the generally accepted definition of terrorism, which requires a political, ideological or religious motive.’
But there is no ‘generally accepted definition of terrorism’. There is an entire industry – populated by academics, government officials, judicial personnel, military experts, security consultants and international organisations – devoted to the pursuit of an agreed understanding, but a firm consensus remains elusive. Lord Carlile, the UK’s independent reviewer of terrorism legislation, reported in 2007 that ‘hard as I have striven, and as many definitions as I have read, I have failed to conclude that there is one I could regard as the paradigm.’ Walter Laqueur wrote in A History of Terrorism (1977) that ‘a comprehensive definition of terrorism … does not exist, nor will it be found in the foreseeable future.’
So we fall back on the definition proposed by the US government: ‘premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against non-combatant targets by sub-national groups or clandestine agents usually intended to influence an audience’. This position – designed to exculpate the US state from any involvement in terror – also lends credibility to the idea that, without clear evidence of an ideological objective, the Las Vegas massacre wasn’t terrorism but a criminal act carried out by a ‘sick individual’, as Donald Trump described him.
Many people have rightly pointed to the double standards by which violence is interpreted and reported: when a person of colour carries out a murderous act targeted at civilians, it is more likely to be seen as a ‘politically motivated’ act of terror than the decontextualised, individualised violent actions of the typical white gunman. The trope of the ‘lone wolf’ versus the ‘politically motivated terrorist’ is heavily racialised.
A crime is often defined as terrorism rather than as ‘random’ violence if it has a clear ‘ideological’ dimension: these days, in the US and Europe, that usually means Islamism. It sometimes means white supremacism, but some of the most high-profile white supremacist attacks have been classified as ‘hate crimes’ and not terrorism. It’s worth noting that there have been many more recorded victims of white supremacist than Islamist violence in the US in recent years.
So we have the bizarre situation in which if there is no immediately identifiable ‘ideological agenda’, then there is apparently no terrorism. If there is a shout of ‘Allahu Akbar’ at the scene, then we are assured that the attack constitutes an act of terror; if not, then something else is going on.
But in what universe could the slaughter in Las Vegas be seen as somehow free of politics and ideology? Is there no ideology behind ‘white on white’ violence? Is there really no ideology underpinning the expression of frustration, rage, hatred or whatever state of mind is linked with mass shootings? Is ideology simply the preserve of other people, just as terrorism itself is so often seen as ‘what others do to us’? ‘Ideology,’ Terry Eagleton once wrote, ‘like halitosis, is … what the other person has.’
It is past time, whatever Trump may say, for a debate on gun control. But it may also be time to move away from understanding terrorism in terms of motives that are often obscure or unreliable. We might do better to understand terrorism in terms of the actions themselves: deliberate attacks on civilians that are designed to sow fear, which can be perpetrated by states and individuals, by national and sub-national groups, by people with any colour skin. Without a more systematic and consistent approach to understanding terrorism, specific groups and actions will continue to be singled out.
59 people were killed in Las Vegas and countless others terrorised by an act of violence that, while unthinkable in its horror, can’t be conceived simply as an unexplainable ‘act of pure evil’.
Comments
Freya, UK
The first thing I'd say is that, yes, there are a huge number of candidate definitions of terrorism - and no, there isn't any one 'correct' definition. But definitions do tend to cluster around three key elements:
- mass or indiscriminate violence
- aiming to influence behaviour (i.e. intimidate or 'terrorise')
- with a political/ideological motive
Secondly, actually labelling actions or individuals 'terrorist' is a deeply political operation (I agree with Freedman on that much). When the Provisional IRA assassinated Louis Mountbatten, was that indiscriminate violence? Did it aim to terrorise anyone other than the target? No and no, surely - it was simply a political assassination. (Examples could be multiplied. Very little of the left-wing violence of the Italian 'years of lead' qualifies under all three headings.)
So we have this anomalous situation where the label of 'terrorist' is standardly applied to any form of organised political violence, while the concept of terrorism - if we take definitions seriously - marks out a distinct but overlapping group of actions, such as the Italian bombings carried out by neo-fascist groups. Indeed, as Richard Jackson has pointed out, the textbook definition of 'terrorism' is a good fit to many pacification and counter-terrorist campaigns carried out by states. (The US government definition explicitly excludes state action, as Freedman notes; not all do.)
Where does this leave Stephen Paddock and mass shootings in general? My immediate response is to say I'd rather avoid the issue by not using the word 'terrorism' at all, as contested a concept as it is. If we are to use it, though, I'd prefer something like Jackson's approach, defining terrorism as a tactic. But it's specifically a tactic used for political motives, which doesn't seem to have been present in this case.
Having said that, there isn't a hard-and-fast divide between (random, inexplicable) mass shootings and (political) terrorist attacks. The Columnbine shooters left a 'manifesto', and Leena Malkki has shown that many subsequent attackers - in Europe as well as the US - have similarly wanted the world to know their views (usually misogyny and sub-Nietzschean elitism). Viewed in this light, Anders Behring Breivik starts to look like a cross between a neo-Fascist terrorist and a school shooter.
So I don't rule out that Stephen Paddock had a political motive for what he did - not to mention the broader politics of a situation in which citizens' freedom to equip themselves to carry out a mass shooting is defended and positively celebrated. But is the answer to assimilate mass shootings to 'terrorism'? I'd argue the opposite. Given the politics with which the label of 'terrorist' is currently saturated, surely it would be better - gives society more hope of dealing with the situation rationally - if less neuralgic labels could be used all round: Las Vegas mass shooting, Utøya mass shooting, Fort Hood mass shooting.
I expected The Intercept article in the link to contain some analysis of mass shootings and labeling. It does not. However the writer shows his naivety with this statement..
"Paddock was declared a “lone wolf” before analysts even started their day, not because an exhaustive investigation produced such a conclusion, but because it is the only available conclusion for a white man in America who commits a mass shooting."
Mass data collection has reached a level now where an individual's entire life can be analysed in minutes.
The professor cites an opinion piece from the Intercept as if it proved his assertion that black mass shooters are labeled terrorist whereas whites are preferentially labeled lone wolves. The Intercept opinion piece does no such thing. Professor - try some real digging into the sources regarding each mass murder rampage (Mother Jones has a list of all from 1981 to present) and then support your thesis with some reliable evidence, not just an unsupported and unsubstantiated opinion.
To engage with your article I am not aware of anything that could be described as an industry devoted to defining terrorism. Also just because we cannot create an all encompassing standard definition does not mean that we cannot exclude incidents that lack clear criteria. More evidence may appear but at the moment Paddock appears to be a more spectacular version of Micheal Ryan or Derek Bird.
Case in point: I don't recall John Allen Muhammed being referred to as a terrorist, in spite of his last name and his occasional wittering on about Allah. Because he clearly wasn't.
Likewise, Breivik was clearly regarded very widely as a terrorist, because that label made complete sense.
This isn't to say that there isn't a problem, for example, with the way Islam is framed (in more than one sense) in this context, in both American and European public spheres.
But you seem to complain about a general lack of distinction and nuance, while not applying much of your own.
It is, in my opinion, a form of angel counting (as they pirouette on the head of a pin) to suggest that the supposed motivation of the person holding the gun should define the nature of the offense experienced by the person at whom it was pointed. That person was terrorised and in fear of their life.
This is a plea that the propagandist and deeply political categorisation by governments of acts of violence be renounced in favour of due vindication of the experience of victims. If victims were terorised then it was an act of terrorism they experienced.
To use any other form of definition is to accede to the wholesale politicisation of the legal code so that it exculpates / privileges, say, racist police violence, while enabling a massive state security apparatus and the wholesale profiling and erosion of civil liberties of religious and ethnic minorities.
And this is an international issue - once a despotic regime uses the 'terrorist' label all decencies are thrown out. Look at the license it has given Saudi Arabia in Yemen.
Yes, there is supreme hypocrisy in the way "terrorism" is defined today so that the military actions of a nation are almost always exempt. We were more honest in the 1940s. Surely the bombings of Tokyo, Dresden, Hiroshima, and Nagasaki were intended primarily to terrorize, and we were more willing to say so. Today, terrorism is often best understood as asymmetrical warfare. The Palestinians simply cannot field an army equal to that of Israel, or successfully target Israeli defense forces, so terrorism is the weapon of choice of the powerless. We are then adamant that the Israeli incursion into Gaza was "military" and certainly not terrorism. And of course, the USA, which has made war on smaller countries continually since the end of World War II, bombing them mercilessly in a way that must feel like terrorism to those on the ground, must be acquitted of terrorism at all costs and in all cases.
But it will not illuminate these issues to treat a mass shooting of concert-goers by an unhinged gun-lover as "terrorism." That just makes it harder to talk sensibly about issues that have very little to do with one another.