Insubstantial Champions
James Meek
There are many similarities between the Brexit vote and Trump's win. The reliance for victory on white voters without a college education, fear of immigration, globalisation being blamed for mine and factory closures, hostility towards data-based arguments, the breakdown of the distinction between ‘belief’ and ‘conclusion’, the internet’s power to sort the grain of pleasing lies from the chaff of displeasing facts, the sense of there being a systematic programme of rules and interventions devised by a small, remote, powerful elite that polices everyday speech, destroys symbols of tradition, ignores or patronises ‘real’, ‘ordinary’ people, and has contempt for popular narratives of how the nation came to be.
Watching the US election results come in was like a rerun of referendum night in Britain in June: the same demented focus on previous models that bore little relation to the different voter coalitions called into being by the unique circumstances of the vote, the same distracting references to bookies’ odds and stock market gyrations, the same inertia of technical analysis droning on even as the blood began to drain from the pundits’ faces, the same – cynical? – hints of defeat from the ultimately victorious camp while the polls were still open, the same sense that for all the talking headery and data crunching, the overwhelming misapprehension going into the evening was that the thing which had never happened before just could not happen because it had never happened before.
There was one other important similarity. It is too early to tell whether it will carry over from Britain to the US, because it continues to this day, long after the vote. It was striking before and after the Brexit referendum that almost all those who wanted to stay in the European Union (I was one) have found it much easier to denounce the Leavers than to praise the supposed object of our political desires, the EU. In the same way, Clinton voters seem to find it much easier to find reasons to hate Trump than to love Clinton. Goodness knows, finding reasons to hate Trump was never going to be hard, but why was it so hard to pin a like on Clinton? Why so hard to speak passionately and specifically for Europe, as opposed to denigrating those who were against it? With Brexit and with the Trumpiad, for most people, the positivity around the alternatives seems to boil down to a single ‘nice to have’. It’s nice to have a passport that allows you to live and work anywhere in the EU; it would have been nice to have a woman in the White House. That’s it.
In Britain, the Leave camp has been bitter in victory. I suspect the Trump camp, as its tiny billionaire head detaches from its massive electoral body, will be the same. Winning a vote can never be enough when you also want to be made happy and for the losers to shut up. The Remain camp has been bitter in defeat, as the Democrat camp will be, both towards the Leavers/Trumpites, and among themselves. Excoriation of Trump/Farage, Sean Hannity/Paul Dacre, Clintonites/Blairites, Sanders/Corbyn, is supplemented by I-told-you-so head-shaking over the collapse of the pound and Wall Street freakouts. This is all fine and natural. But the other side is missing.
Will there be mass marches in favour of free trade down the avenues of America’s great cities? Surprise me. Will there be sit-ins and confrontations with riot police by angry Clintonites demanding a judicious tweaking of the federal tax code and a modest programme of college debt relief? I’d bet against it. The intensity of the rage of Britain’s pro-Europeans on Twitter, the wildness of their hopes that Brexit might still somehow be cancelled or tamed, is only matched by our lack of action on the streets in support of what we felt so devastated to be deprived of.
I still feel it. I still feel more disgusted, angry and ashamed about the other side winning than I do about my side losing. My champions were fading and insubstantial even before they fought. It saddens me more that America just elected its own id than that in doing so it destroyed the Hillary Clinton project. I will be thrown deeper into despair by the coronation of President Le Pen than into mourning for any of her opponents. It is no longer enough to be offered something to vote for, something to tweet about, an object of loathing. It is never enough to call a march with a whiteboard for a banner. Am I too jaded to hope, in politics, for something real – something, not someone – to yearn for, and not just something to hate?
Comments
As for the other "progressive" teeth-gnashing candidate, Elizabeth Warren: please. The one counter-argument for Bernie is that he seemed to tap into the sub-conscious and deeply vulgar maschismo that is part of the culture war the Trump Party is now waging. Warren would have bent their minds - she would have underpeformed Clinton and Sanders.
As I say, a plague on all houses. Joe Biden might have been worth a shot but do the Democrats not have any vaguely working class politicians anymore? Only amongst its black caucuses. I suspect they should stick to recruiting from there, from now on in. At least they can credibly claim to have an ordinary, non-elitist background.
That may not be a portrait of a healthy, inclusive political process, but it would have been enough to get the job done.
Obama got 88% of the black vote in 2012; Clinton got 80 with a lower turnout, and it's one of the reasons she lost. Sanders underperformed Clinton with the black vote during the primaries, so why do you think he would have outperformed her with black voters in an election?
Perhaps it's because both are crap?
Clinton = crap; nice equation. Presumably the 50% of Americans who voted for Clinton are in the "crap camp".
Forget about the mystery of what Trump will actually do. Think of the old saw that the best predictor of a person's behavior is his or her past behavior. Trump's character will probably not change by his elevation to high office (why should it - he feels vindicated by the results).
On this one issue -- character (temperament) - the behavioral record of Trump leaves a lot to be desired. On the crap front, I am reminded of Napoleon's remark about his wily and shifty Foreign Minister, Talleyrand: "He's shit in a silk stocking." A more or less correct assessment of Trump, though the stocking is cheap mesh with some glitter spray-painted on it; or maybe it's an Armani power-suit, which should make T's "populist" base weep or cringe.
The EU is impossible to defend for left-wingers, especially since its very recent destruction of Greece and awful treatment of refugees from outside fortress Europe. I voted remain, I can speak passionately for Europe, but the EU is a neoliberal, anti-democratic disaster and has no place in the type of world we need to build.
Clinton had some technical merits, but no policies that were going to improve the lives of the vast majority of Americans. If she had, people may have overlooked the scandals (real and imagined) in her past. She took on a diluted version of some Sanders stuff (such as free public education through college) but without Sanders as the candidate it made little sense, especially as she had recently held seemingly opposite views. And it seemed unlikely she would follow through or prioritize the more progressive end of her platform when elected. She could have stopped things in the country getting even worse (supreme court) and that's why many people I know did vote for her and I would have if I was allowed. It wasn't enough though, obviously.
Build a wall (the Greatest Wall Ever”) and make Mexico pay for it, to boot. Well this might supply a decent livelihood for construction workers who reside along the border area, but who else will benefit? Maybe it’s supposed to free up low-wage jobs that Latinos now perform, but without increasing the wage rate for these jobs, most other Americans (natives!) will still refuse to take them. It’s “beneath” them.
Restore manufacturing jobs to America. This is dicey – it either depends on punishing out-sourcers of labor (global capitalism’s preferred method of cutting costs) by imposing very high tariffs on the products of such labor or taxing the portion of their corporate profits stemming from such practices at a higher rate (you think Trump will do the latter? think again). To take one example — Apple put together its Chinese work force of about a quarter of a million people in order to keep prices down here. If Trump went to war with them over this in a way that made the tens of millions of i-phone purchasers pay twice the price for their gadgets (by restoring their manufacture to the US, with its higher labor costs), how long would he remain popular (or even acceptable) with this large group that contains many disgruntled white-collar workers (“suburbanites”) who apparently voted for him?
Ban Muslim immigration. That’s not going to improve my life, and I fail to see how it’s going to improve things for most people. Maybe, because they are fearful, it will calm certain people down. Big deal.
Get rid of international trade agreements. This goes back to the questions raised by the Apple example above. Walmart, the chain box store that is popular throughout the country, imports a great deal of its inventory from countries that make the products it sells with cheap, unsafe labor. “Trump country” voters who like to shop there would be outraged by policies that raise prices on this household stuff.
Put Hillary in jail (this goes to the “rhetoric of symbolism”). In addition to having donated to Hillary in the past (not much, but still) and having invited the Clintons to his third wedding, Trump, in his speech last night characterized her as a good campaigner and a distinguished public servant to whom we all owe a debt of gratitude (drawing a feeble wave of applause for this). While those of us who voted for her like this nod toward rationality, how about all those nuts at his rallies who loved the idea of putting her in jail? One more disappointment from the Big D.
Overall there is no Trump program/idea that will not have to work its way through Congress, which may be less than compliant with his wish list.
He’s not indicated whether he will cut either the military or social-welfare expenditure budgets (and seems uninclined to do either), but he has promised to rebuild America’s road and bridges infrastructure (while lowering taxes for all). Where will this public money come from?
So, exactly how will Trump improve the lives of “the vast majority of Americans” (which would have to include half the population that voted against him, including many who detest or fear him)?
If a person gets something she wants, it makes her better off. If Trump gets Congress to repeal the 1965 Immigration Act, most of his supporters will probably say "mission accomplished."
On free trade, Trump's views haven't changed much since about 1990: he believes the US is providing some public good for free to its trade partners/competitors, which makes the terms of trade somewhat unfair to the Americans. That public good is either security (as in NATO's case) or the capitalist world order, more generally. The question is how to act on this argument.
I think that Alex K underestimates the number of Trump's most vocal and ardent supporters who believe his promises should be taken literally (a real wall, a total ban on Muslim, a prosecution of Hillary, the illegalization of abortion, a "bombing the shit out of ISIS," no legal impediments to the full range of possibilities suggested by the slogan "guns, God and guts").
I may be underestimating numbers and decibels, but reading various paleo-conservative and alt-right sites and filtering out what sounds like noise to me, I hear one common theme, a sine qua non: immigration. (As a side note, I also disagree that the people who showed up at his rallies are a "nasty mob", but that's a matter of taste.)
Likewise, Clinton has largely steered clear of emotional arguments, and she lost to Trump whose main argument was the neo-fascist sentiment of "greatness". Clearly it's not that sentimental arguments for voting Democrats don't exist: Bernie had them aplenty. But like in the UK, the centre-left avoided the emotions, while the far right capitalised on them and won.
Why so? I would argue that the centre-left and centre-right are simply reusing the postmodern/post-ideological strategies that worked so well for them in the 90s and early 2000s. The far right are also reusing the same strategies that they always used, except that they didn't work so well for them in those years.
What no-one at the centre seems to notice is how much the public moods have changed. We've entered the "neo-sentimental" era, where facts matter way less than sentiments. Importantly, sentiments aren't the same as "ideologies", and it's the sentimental rather than the "theoretical" aspect of fascism that's so appealing to many today. Constructing an effective sentimental narrative around the centre-left political platform is the single most important thing that the Democrats (and, broadly speaking, "Remainers") need to win.
And the economic arguments about the benefits of being an EU member (as opposed to the disbenefits of leaving) are not clear cut.
But for me personally this is what it is about - and if you look, for example, at what people in The 48% Facebook group are saying, their sentiments are broadly the same.
This points up a difference between Brexit and Trump's win. Remainers could never have won with a positive campaign, because those British voters who are genuinely enthusiastic about EU membership (as opposed to merely fearful of the possible consequences of leaving) are too small a minority. Dry economical arguments were the only option; if the refugee crisis hadn't happened, they would probably have worked.
Whereas the Democrats could quite definitely have beaten Trump with sentimental arguments, if they hadn't gone and brilliantly picked a candidate whose only asset was being 'qualified'. That has rarely been much of an advantage for a presidential candidate, as Hillary herself should have known: when her husband (governor of a small hillbilly state) took on George HW Bush (congressman, CIA director, Vice-President, President), the gulf in qualifications between them was almost as wide as that between her and Trump.
We did not have to have a referendum, and in 4 years time we will still be outside the EU, somewhat isolated, weaker in influence, and suffering from our continual malaise of poor investment and poor productivity - and if we cannot pull in cheap labour to compensate, serious economic decline. The EU will have moved on, hopefully by getting rid of the two people doing it the most harm - Juncker and Merkel (a lot of Brexiters will have noticed what they did to Greece, Spain and Portugal to protect their own corrupt banks and special interests, defying the IMF.) It is not hard to understand the hostility to the EU. Corbyn gave it a generous 7 out of 10. I would give it 5. But it is still utter folly to leave rather than stay and try to get rid of folk like Juncker and Merkel, who are betraying communality.
And the press reaction etc to our judges doing their job plus the rampant racism and xenophobia signals a coming quasi-fascist state, or at best more ultra-conservative since....a long time.
https://medium.com/@trentlapinski/dear-democrats-read-this-if-you-do-not-understand-why-trump-won-5a0cdb13c597#.h9txbhjva