John Kerry’s Eureka Moment
Mouin Rabbani
It has been a bizarre week for US policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. On 23 December, the Obama administration narrowly avoided becoming the first since Harry Truman’s to leave office without a single United Nations Security Council resolution censuring Israel to its credit. Washington has spent the past eight years shielding what John Kerry on 28 December called ‘the most right-wing [government] in Israeli history, with an agenda driven by its most extreme elements’ from international scrutiny.
As the United States neither supported nor vetoed Resolution 2334, the Security Council unanimously confirmed that all Israeli settlements in occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem, are illegal and constitute ‘a flagrant violation under international law’. It was a rare victory for an international community that has been consistently thwarted by Barack Obama’s indulgence of Binyamin Netanyahu’s appetite for Palestinian land.
The Security Council additionally called on member states ‘to distinguish, in their relevant dealings, between the territory of the State of Israel and the territories occupied since 1967’. With that single phrase, half a century of Israeli efforts to normalise the occupation by way of countless faits accomplis and legitimise its presence beyond the Green Line vanished.
It is unlikely that those who, unlike the US, voted for the resolution will ignore it, especially since Netanyahu responded by petulantly announcing that his government would continue to violate the ban on settlement expansion, and Donald Trump is preparing to douse the fire with gasoline.
Then, on 28 December, Kerry delivered a seventy-minute address on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. For all its obligatory political correctness, replete with condemnations of Palestinians for refusing to be passively and silently occupied, it included the harshest words directed at Israel by a US secretary of state since James Baker in 1990 questioned its willingness to make peace with the Palestinians. To his credit, Kerry openly used the emotive phrase ‘separate but unequal’ – albeit to describe a dystopian future rather than the very real present – and, in an apparent first for a serving US official, referred to the nakba and explained that it is Palestinian for ‘catastrophe’.
But where Baker demonstrated seriousness of purpose by reducing the flow of American aid to Israel and effectively forcing Yitzhak Shamir into retirement, Kerry bragged about his administration’s unprecedented generosity to ‘the most right wing [government] in Israeli history, with an agenda driven by its most extreme elements’. Attempting to sound more like an interested spectator than the chief diplomat of the state whose acts of commission and omission over the past half century have perpetuated the crisis, he resorted to the tired saw that Washington cannot want peace more than the occupiers it enables or the occupied who don’t have a choice in the matter.
Kerry concluded by enumerating six principles that Washington believes should guide the search for peace. They are broadly consistent with the long-standing US interpretation of a two-state settlement, even if they include an update here and an elaboration there. Which raises three questions.
Since there is effectively nothing new in Kerry’s principles, and Israel’s attitude towards them must have been known to him since his ‘first trip to Israel as a young senator in 1986’ about which he waxed so sentimentally, why did he do nothing to force ‘the most right wing [government] in Israeli history, with an agenda driven by its most extreme elements’ to accept them during the past four years, and refrain from criticising the government that rejected them until the final days of his tenure?
Why were we instead forced to put up with the charade of negotiations he sponsored, whose only purpose was as diplomatic cover for the further expansion of illegal settlements which according to Kerry himself not only ‘have nothing to do with Israel’s security’ but are there for the express purpose of turning the occupied territories into ‘small parcels that could never constitute a real state’?
If, on the contrary, Kerry’s eureka moment arrived only this Christmas, and he felt the need to speak out in order to preserve the two-state framework from the assaults not only of Israel’s extremists but also of those in America waiting in the wings to detonate America’s Middle East diplomacy, why refrain from the obvious step of recognising Palestinian statehood?
Comments
Perhaps, I don't really know, it might be something to do with the Israeli embargo and frequent murderous assaults on the Palestinian population.
You'd think that thoughtful Tel-Aviv apologists would have some curiosity about their astonishing inability to get anything right about the whole war crime that is the illegal occupation of Palestine.
"We will smash the country with our guns and obliterate every place the Jews seek shelter in. The Arabs should conduct their wives and children to safe areas until the fighting has died down" (Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri)
And if evictions and dispacements trouble you, start investigating what happened to Jews in Arab countries during the war period.
The great thing about John Berger's 2003 text on Ramallah, referenced nearby -- comments on his death notice are prematurely closed, for some reason (Fred it's your fault!) -- is not its political analysis, since it has none, despite his supposed Marxist frame of thinking. Rather, its his sympathy with those everyday Arab humans, including two barefoot young boys (wow), whose situation is both Edenic and dystopian, the latter thanks to the Jews. A reader of that text now would be excused for exclaiming Jesus Christ what's the matter with those guys that its been 14 years and they still can fix things for themselves! The anti-zionist Brits -- such meddlers, arent they, especially regarding Palestine? -- blame Netanyahu, Kerry, I don't know, John Stewart, but say nothing about those failed Palestinian leaders, whomever they are, whatever kind of state they would establish, and how they might actually act as the agents for their own people, who they force to live in their mutually assured hell. It's so stupid, isn't it? So, Brits, dragged into this thing, you should in fact be the ones who know how to fix it -- how did you get the IRA to stop bombing civilians in London, anyway?>
As a Londoner I lived through the terror campaigns of the 70's 80's and 90's when our Irish friends murdered over 2,000 people including several MPs, a senior diplomat, a person close to the royal family, nearly assasinated a British cabinet, mortar bombed number 10, caused horrific life changing injuries to thousands and ran up a bill for damages not worth thinking about.
In spite of all these provocations I never recall HMG calling in air strikes on the bog side or shelling the catholic areas of Belfast. I do not remember stone throwers having their hands broken or the family homes of terrorist supects being bulldozed as a collective punishment. I certainly don't recall large numbers of new housing estates being built to house an influx of protestant imigrants in order to tighten the UK's hold on the province. Even though terrorists were using the republic as a refuge and receiving arms and support from there, I don't remember the UK invading the place, trashing Dublin and the British army holding the ring so that para militaries could invade catholic homes and murder the women and children. In fact the one serious mistep that took place was bloody Sunday and everyone, especially the army top brass admitted that it was the stupidest thing they ever did.
But, hey, Israel is your country and you should do things your way. Said it often enough, you've made your bed and the rest of us would do well to leave you to lie on it.
Great! As in Great Britain...
Exactly, and wise men would do well to learn from our mistakes.
Your choice of language and obvious hostility makes me think that you do care, only for the wrong reasons.