1992 Redux?
Glen Newey
Nothing in Ed Miliband’s election campaign became him like losing it. For all the garment-rending since Thursday, it was a good election for Labour to flunk. Even without a formal agreement with the Scottish Nationalists, a Labour government would have been perpetually open to the charge of being ‘held to ransom’ by an SNP fraction pulling the UK ever further leftwards. The Tories, probably led by Boris Johnson and hoorayed by the press, would have been free to indulge in Europhobic braying from the opposition benches without the discipline of running an in/out referendum to make them act responsibly. Miliband would have been torn between two nationalisms: the left separatism that has obliterated it throughout Scotland, and the rightist anglonationalism of Ukip that has leeched Labour’s vote in northern England. Fleet street would have had a hoot. It would have made eating bacon sandwiches look like a picnic.
Is 2015 1992 redux? Certainly the pollsters’ egregious and consistent underestimate of the Tory vote recalls the Conservative victory 23 years ago, which may or may not be down to voters’ tendency to lie more readily about their voting intentions than about the way they voted. Black Wednesday followed less than six months later, and from then on John Major’s government, its managerial credentials shattered, fought an uphill struggle against sleaze and its own Eurosceptics. When the European referendum comes in 2017, Tory divisions will be laid bare. Even if Cameron wins, it’s likely to be his version of Major’s 1995 tactical resignation which, as a long-term gambit, proved about as successful as drilling a hole in a sinking boat to let the water out. He’ll be faced with a large and voluble rump in his own party for whom Brexit remains a thwarted dream, and have to persuade European partners to play along with renegotiating British membership. Meanwhile Cameron’s reinstalled the same hatchet-faced apparatchiks to head the Treasury, Home Office and Foreign Office. The spectacle of Theresa May and the new justice secretary Michael Gove putting aside mutual animosities to trash our human rights may provoke more odium than Cameron has bargained for. Growth will continue to slug along under the cosh of austerity. And then there’s the matter that even the hapless Major could safely ignore: Scotland.
As the past two Holyrood elections have shown, Scottish voters are happy to elect SNP governments, even if they don’t necessarily want to go the whole home-rule haggis. The Scottish revolution – no other word will do – of the past year has largely been down to Labour’s taking its North British vote for granted and failing to understand the force of left nationalism. The legacy of the referendum – shamelessly played on by Cameron afterwards, knowing that Labour would cop it in the general election – was to leave Scots thinking the other parties had ganged up to piss on their chips. In picking as its leader the Blairite revenant Jim Murphy last year, Scottish Labour chose the greatest major-party kamikaze candidate since the Tories plumped for Iain Duncan Smith in 2001. Scotland may well be gone for good – or bad, from Labour’s long-run perspective – but it can cause Cameron a lot of headaches in the meantime. In government or informal cahoots with Labour, the SNP would have had to own the policies they’d co-authored or at least failed to oppose. No such curbs apply now. Picture Cameron’s roast-beef complexion pinking up every week at PMQs to derision from the Nats on the benches opposite. The narrative’s already written: posh-boy Sassenachs try to lord it over free-born Scots. It’ll be Cameron’s Braveheart moment, dragged out over a period of years.
As people have said, Miliband failed to give Labour a narrative of its own, particularly on the pointless sadomasochism of austerity, to which it was still signed up during the election campaign. That will need a lot more political imagination than Labour has mustered recently, not least by recognising that fighting for social justice is often a guerrilla war. Its big chance lies in the fact that a lot of Tory voters are old and will die fairly soon – like sharks’ teeth, these voters need to be replaced regularly if the beast they serve is to survive. An aggressive campaign for voter registration would be a start. Labour needs to make common cause with others on the left whom it’s spurned through its narcissistic self-image as the privileged tribune of the people – a large cause of its undoing in Scotland. It also has to resonate with young voters, who by 2020 will remember nothing before Bullingdonian austerity, will face £9000 a year in fees or even more if they go into higher education, and will be receptive to the idea that the UK – what may then remain of it – has been commandeered by moneyed little Englanders bent on keeping wealth in the hands of the few, and glib, if not in outright denial, about the climate change whose gravest consequences will kick in only once they’ve gone off to the fossil-fuelled inferno.
Comments
Obviously the causes of the catastrophe were many and complex, ranging from the unstoppable progress of the global capitalist juggernaut (the Marxist view, shared of course with Neoliberals) to the malign personal influence of two particular Australians, Murdoch and Crosby - the Empire strikes back - with, of course, many other factors in between. There's no need to rush to judgment, unless you're one of the commentariat and believe that's one of your functions, or a schadenfreude Blairite.
Maybe there's no need to jettison Ed Miliband, either. As people saw more and more of him, his stock rose. To me his ideas were pretty well thought-through, he came through his insufferable right-wing Press torments well, and he's now the most experienced, well-known and I think fairly regarded of the lot. I'd be sorry to lose him. He's a martyr to the cause. Saint Ed.
I don't agree with the "Labour wasn't left enough" argument: its vote in England actually increased from 2005 but it shed seats and failed to pick up its target marginals. In 2020 Labour will need a program that will entice marginal seats to vote for it. That's likely to be a credibility issue rather than a policy issue.
I don't understand how Semitone thinks a special programme can be devised with to appeal to marginal seats only.
The circumstances of this election were special and Miliband could not have done anything in the time remaining to prevent the effects of Cameron's capitalising on English nationalism after the referendum - Murphy was an excuse, not a reason.
The polls led to voters thinking that they had more leeway than they thought and so could vote how they wished, rather than needing to vote tactically: Green, or that they could not risk Miliband reliant on the SNP: Lib Dems going Tory. and the rhetoric of all parties was influenced by the polls; not least Salmond's joke or boast that he would be the one writing the Budget.
Newry may be right, but in the meantime much damage will be inflicted by this hard-right government
All electorates are susceptible to manipulation and propaganda; and the Conservative Party is now supported by an incredibly powerful alliance of neoliberal ideologues and vested interests. Labour should probably be congratulated for polling as well as it did, such was the strength of its opposition.
Democracy in the UK and the US is being incrementally undermined by highly determined plutocrats and their well paid proxies. In the English-speaking countries, the prognosis for progressive policies is very bleak.
It is true that Scotland bucks this trend; however, in the present circumstances, only a counter-force as strong and as localised as nationalism is capable of turning against the neoliberal the tide.
Labour's consistent failure to challenge this narrative has now ceded us another five years of fanatical ideological government; five years that will likely spell the end of the NHS. Nothing will baffle future scholars of this period more than Labour's self-defeating collusion in their opponents' audacious rewriting of history.
Bit late, Liam.
Anyway, while I tend to agree that Labour should have relentlessly plugged away at rebutting this lie, the reality of the British press is that in most papers the big lie usually gets to be on page 1, while reporting of a rebuttal (if any) usually gets tucked away on page 25.
But yes, it is baffling why they kept so quiet.
I would speculate that the reason Labour did not rebut the big lie that their government's social spending caused the explosion in the deficit is that the truth is more embarrassing: the ballooning debt was the consequence of the New Labour government's pathetically gung-ho gullibility about the financial sector's willingness to act responsibly of its own accord when no longer constrained by adequate regulation and effective policing. Brown and Balls were played for fools, and took the economy and taxpayer down with them come the 2008 crash. Since Balls' ego would not permit him to quit the front bench in shame as he should have done, his constituency felt obliged to hand him his arse on a plate last week. But in the five years in opposition until then, he lead the Labour line that they were never suckered by the City into bailing out the thoroughly foreseeable consequences of their greed and incompetence but nobly spent big on the people.
But that damning indictment could not be convincingly levelled at Labour by the present occupants of numbers 10 and 11 Downing Street, both of whom were repeatedly demanding even lighter regulation of financial services during the noughties.
Instead, the Tories, with the crucial aid of James Harding, concocted the myth that it was Labour's reckless social spending that caused the massive deficit. Without establishing this gargantuan lie, it would have been infinitely harder for them to force the poorest and most vulnerable people in Britain to atone for the sins of gamblers in the City.
By rebutting that lie every time it was uttered, Labour would have been on firm ground. They might have prevented the further immiseration of the weakest in society and would certainly have boosted their own electoral prospects. That they didn't is something for which I have still to hear a convincing explanation.
To admit that but claim that the Tories would have thought and acted no differently had they been in power might have been true but won't do. The only way Labour in opposition could have tried that line would have been by purging from the front bench or any sniff of power all those responsible for swallowing that bullshit, starting with Ed Balls, and apologising for ever having believed a word of it.
Such a course of action would, of course, have been characterised by the Tory media as Labour returning to the bad old days of hostility to business, a prospect presumably too scary to be countenanced by Labour's leadership, even if the perfectly good counter-argument was there to be made that the only aspects of business they were hostile to are the same that everyone is hostile to: criminality, stupidity, recklessness and scrounging off the taxpayer.
Interesting here that we assume LRB readers all vote Labour in a classic, Guardian-reading, breathy, soul-searching, say-one-thing, do-another way.
In fact correspondents here are still talking about narratives and store-wees. Normal, ordinary, everyday, hardworking familes might wonder whether they're on a cultural studies course at Goldsmiths or attending a nursery school, while this Labour newspaper - THIS LABOUR NEWSPAPER - is hiring taxis to scuttle round a country handing out redundancy notices to its own supporters.
I will unpack, deconstruct or spell this out if you like, but I thought LRB readers could read.
Five more years of neo-Labour, Guardianish-reading-ish mush is looking to me incredibly collusive with the British establishment. It really does seem like, "Let the adults govern - we just want to be rebellious."
Maybe the why-oh-why guff posted here is making me crazedly compact what I have to say into incomprehensibility, but I sure thought LRB readers were good at reading and getting references.
The British establishment is a real, hell of a big bloc. Successful raids on it have been incredibly rare. Even the New Blair Project - groan, you won't get it - is now looking like part of the divisive, invisible, quasi-populist but actually oppressive poshifying of Britain.
God, you're right, I'm beginning to sound like John Otway shambling round the House of Lords at night, having broken in, thinking he was in Buckingham Palace and might share a bedside fag with the Queen, ranting alone to the deathwatch beetles as they stare stonily into their mobile phones.
Dear, oh, dear. (© S. Wood, 2015)
After Tony Blair's election as Labour Party leader in 1994, Thatcher praised Blair in an interview as "probably the most formidable Labour leader since Hugh Gaitskell. I see a lot of socialism behind their front bench, but not in Mr Blair. I think he genuinely has moved". (source: Wikipedia)
Unfortunately, she was absolutely right: Blair was the heir to Thatcher, not John Major.
That is a rather eccentric notion of democracy, and just as perverse had Labour won with that level of support.
They could surely achieve maximum value out of the new, gushy, windy buzzword, "aspiration". Horny-handed builders could be shamed into aspiring to be architects.
Please be reassured that I am so excercised by the failure of Labour to gain the popular imagination of the ghastly people that I expect the men in white coats any day.