The Hunger Voice
Ayat Omran
What can people locked up inside four walls do to refuse the reality imposed on them? Not a lot, but they can refuse to eat.
The fact that several jailed Palestinian prisoners have been on hunger strike for months afflicts me deep on the inside like a blow in the gut. Israel’s policy of detaining Palestinians without charge for long periods is well known.
The survival instinct orders us to eat and when we disobey, our lives are at risk. There are many stories about hungry people lost in an unfamiliar landscape who eat raw animal flesh, grass or leaves, or even kill and steal to fill their bellies. If Palestinian prisoners, in an enclosed, familiar space, choose to refuse food, it’s surely because they are desperate too. Does the survival instinct sometimes tell us to be free, even at the risk of death?
When I sat down to write this, the Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association reported at least a dozen individual hunger strikers in Israeli jails. At that time we were in Ramadan.
During the fast I began to understand some of their feelings, though never for more than the length of a day, from sunrise to sunset, without food. As each hour passes the hunger-voice gets louder, our bodies feel weak, we are faint, we get headaches, yet our faith keeps us going. And of course we know it's going to end soon.
Hunger strikers can’t know this for sure. Probably hunger stings their veins like electric shocks, on and on, yet they keep the hunger fight alive, day after day, month after month, without knowing when it's going to end, until the time comes when they are no longer hungry. Of course they’d hope to survive. But in Palestine to eat is to continue down the road to death.
Comments
This doesn't give me much confidence in your assertions regarding the US, Ireland and Australia.
Obviously, control orders weren't 'administrative detention' either - in fact they were introduced to replace the (very limited) detention system, which I referred to above, which was introduced in 2001 and subsequently found unlawful. They've been abolished in any case.
I don't think a comparison of British and Israeli treatment of immigrants would necessarily be unfavourable to Britain, either.
OK, Phil, you convinced me. You are right and I'm wrong. Britannia rules... It's just those stupid immigrants, who keep coming to Israel despite the risk of being shot to death by the Egyptians or kidnapped and tortured by the Sinai Beduins, instead of going straight to the UK, who welcomes them with open arms....
Going back to your earlier point, in which you stated that the UK detains people without trial (leaving aside semantics) "in much higher numbers than Israel", please give us the numbers, and your source. Thanks.
"The US, UK, Ireland, and Australia all use administrative detention for reasons of public safety, in much higher numbers than Israel does."
In the case of the UK, at least, I'd like you to acknowledge that this statement is incorrect. The UK currently does not use administrative detention for reasons of public safety.
I haven't said anything in defence of the UK immigration system.
However an important distinction is that this coercive detention is applied to "irregular migrants" that the government has determined to have entered the country illegally. By the logic of the Australian government, the illegal Jewish settlers of East Jerusalem would be subject to such detention: not the indigenous Palestinians.
In the Israeli case surely the most pressing legal matter is its consistent breach of fundamental principles of the Geneva conventions. As an occupying power, it has responsibility for the civilian population of Palestine. If the hostilities have ceased, then it must retire to its internationally recognised border. If the hostilities are continuing, then the collective punishment of civilian populations, forced relocation and/or expatriation of same, the introduction of foreign settlers (etc etc etc) all meet the evidentiary standards of crimes against humanity.
As of February 2013, there were 178 Palestinians administrative detainees in Israeli custody.
Meanwhile, in India, estimates range from 8,000 to 20,000 detained under the PSA in Jammu and Kashmir in the last 20 years. In Sri Lanka, although the emergency powers expired in 2011, new regulations were introduced in order to keep thousands of separatist Tamils imprisoned, including human rights defenders, lawyers, and journalists. According to the Jordan National Centre for Human Rights, around 11,300 people were administratively detained in Jordan in 2012. In China, according to government statistics, approximately 160,000 people are held without trial in 350 facilities at any given time. Administrative detention laws continue to allow the Singapore government to detain activists indefinitely without charge or trial. So-called “Islamic fundamentalists” and other ‘fanatics’ are also targeted for administrative detention. As of January 2012, activists claimed that upwards of 25,000 people were detained in Syria. And so on, and so on….
And the UK? In 2004, the House of Lords ruled that indefinite detention without charge was against the Human Rights Act, effectively ending the practice. The UK then went through a series of other “terrorism-related” detention schemes, including the current one, which allows the government to control a person’s association and movement based on a secret file and without trial. As for immigration-related administrative detention, the UK is one of the few European countries that have yet to impose limits on the time a person can spend in immigration detention. Immigration detainees complain of high levels of violence and drug use inside detention centers and an increasing number of suicides amongst detainees, as well as systematic medical neglect.
@Phil Edwards. As you see, according to the authors of the report, the Act you say was deemed unlawful was replaced by other measures, which are still in use.
@Harry Stopes. If you scroll you can see that I’m citing The Royal College of GP’s (and others): “Each year the UK detains around 1,000 children in Immigration Removal Centres”. Is that enough? If not, there’s more…. Regarding passports, it wasn’t me who introduced citizenship into this conversation. You are stating the obvious, but isn’t it natural to look around before you focus over the border?
@Geoff Roberts. To you I have only one thing to say: if the shoe fits, wear it.
Well, gentlemen, thank you for this round. See you next time.
Pretty sure that's you introducing citizenship, you div.
I never drew a distinction between ”administrative detention” and ”internment”. I did, however, say that you were incorrect to say that the UK uses "administrative detention for reasons of public safety".
As you see, according to the authors of the report, the Act you say was deemed unlawful was replaced by other measures, which are still in use.
The authors of the report are wrong twice over. The measures which replaced the (very limited) detention system introduced by ATCSA 2001 were not themselves a form of detention, and they're not still in use.
I think you may be labouring under a misapprehension about the purpose of my comments on this thread. I'm not trying to defend the UK government or its security practices, let alone its immigration system. The detention system introduced by ATCSA was a blot on the rule of law, and I strongly supported the campaigning work of the dedicated lawyers whose work eventually made it unsustainable. It was abolished in 2005, and a good thing too. Since that time the UK government has not held anyone in "administrative detention for reasons of public safety", and long may this be the case. (The detention of irregular migrants is a scandal in its own right - in Britain as elsewhere.)
So that's my position on administrative detention in Britain (or anywhere else). What was your position on administrative detention in Israel? That it's not as bad as what they do in other countries? Even if it were true (which it appears not to be) this would be an appallingly complacent line of argument.
What's also not true, of course, is that you can excuse the crimes of country A by pointing out that country B has done something even worse. Apart from anything else, on that logic we would still have administrative detention in Britain ("it only affects 10-20 people - you should campaign against what the Israelis are doing, it's far worse").