‘We learned from the British’
Amjad Iraqi · Shimon Peres
Writing in the Guardian in 2011, Shimon Peres, then president of Israel, welcomed the uprisings that were spreading across the Middle East. Israel wanted to see ‘improvements in our neighbours’ lives’, he said, which was the reason it was helping Palestinians in the West Bank develop their own economy, institutions and security forces. ‘Israel was born under the British mandate,’ he went on.
We learned from the British what democracy means, and how it behaves in a time of danger, war and terror. We thank Britain for introducing freedom and respect of human rights both in normal and demanding circumstances. It was a great lesson and a necessary one for a country such as Israel, which has been attacked seven times in the 63 years of its existence without compromising democracy and without giving up our quest for peace.
Aside from his misleading portrayal of Israel’s relations with the Palestinians (including his omission of the blockaded Gaza Strip), Peres seemed oblivious to the darker implications of summoning Britain’s imperial past: that he, a leader of a settler-colonial state, was thanking a former colonial power for inspiring the methods Israel used to deal with the native Palestinians, while believing that those methods were benign.
When Peres died last month, many Palestinians resented the national and international outpouring of praise he received. They were especially angered when President Mahmoud Abbas and other Palestinian Authority (PA) officials went to the funeral in Jerusalem; Abbas had to get permission from the Israeli army to enter the city. Ayman Odeh, the head of the Joint List of Arab political parties in the Knesset, sent his condolences to Peres’s family but refused to go to the funeral. ‘This is a national day of mourning in which I have no place,’ he said. ‘Not in the narrative, not in the symbols that exclude us, not in the stories of Peres as a man who built up Israel’s defences.’
Israelis were shocked by these reactions. Since his presidency, Peres was revered in Israel as a peacemaker, a founding father, and a moral compass. He was an architect of the Oslo Accords and the peace treaty with Jordan, a Nobel laureate, and a sponsor of Jewish-Arab coexistence programmes through the Peres Centre for Peace. But he had not been a popular politician for much of his career: he was distrusted by his colleagues (‘a tireless schemer’, Yitzhak Rabin called him), and his brief stints as prime minister ended in political failure and lost elections.
Defenders of Peres’s legacy argue that he shed years of hawkish politics to become, in David Grossman’s words, a statesman who ‘symbolised the willingness for compromise with the Palestinians’.
The Palestinians, however, cannot forget the hawk so easily. For years, Peres helped to govern the military occupation and was a staunch supporter of the settlement enterprise. He encouraged British and French intervention in Suez in 1956 and established Israel’s nuclear weapons programme (the nuclear reactor in Dimona will now be named after him). Under the Oslo Accords, Israel tightened its control over Palestinian water and other natural resources, and the newly formed PA operated as an authoritarian police force at the behest of the Israeli army – all while the settlements continued to expand. As prime minister, Peres oversaw the 1996 shelling of a UN shelter in Qana in Lebanon, which killed more than a hundred refugees. And as president a decade later, he defended the Israeli army’s conduct during its repeated offensives on Gaza, regardless of the massive civilian casualties and destruction they caused. Peres may have believed he was pursing peace, but his notion of peace – even during his ‘dovish’ years – contradicted itself from the outset.
‘Every single empire’, Edward Said observed in Orientalism, has said ‘that its circumstances are special, that it has a mission to enlighten, civilise, bring order and democracy, and that it uses force only as a last resort … as if one shouldn’t trust the evidence of one’s eyes watching the destruction and the misery and death brought by the latest mission civilisatrice.’ Israel is no different. None of the foreign leaders at Peres’s funeral raised the fact that millions of Palestinians live as occupied subjects, second-class citizens, and exiled refugees as a result of the policies he contributed to. None of them asked how he, like other Israeli leaders, could subscribe to liberal values while subjugating another society; support a new state while depleting its sovereignty; and promote equality while preserving ethnic privilege. Perhaps the answer can be found in Peres’s own words: ‘We learned from the British.’
Comments
As for the rest, it is true that no one liked Peres until he became president and appeared to be above politics. What is not true is that Israel is a colonial power. The colonial powers in the Land of Israel when Zionist settlement began were the Ottoman Turks and later the British. The Jews bought land privately and made a claim to sovereignty in part of the country. The Arabs, who had not exercised sovereignty there since the 13th century, also made such a claim, though they had as much right to sovereignty there as they did in Spain and Iran, which they also conquered in the time of their imperial glory. That's fine. A compromise was offered. The Jews accepted it, the Arabs rejected it and chose war.
As for the settlements, they are actually neither here nor there, as their final disposition will be determined in negotiations in which Israel's opening position will be a trade-off of territory involving five percent of West Bank land and leaving three-quarters of the settlements within Israel's new borders.
I don't usually reply to comments I happen to see online, but your malicious insinuation that the author's family name somehow proves that Palestinians don't exist disgusted me into action. FYI, I've met quite a few Arab Halabis, Masris, and even Sahyounis (Zion-i) in my time in the Middle East. If the first two should return to Halab and Egypt respectively, where do we send the Sahyounis? Surely not Palestine, that's where they were expelled from in '48. Any ideas?
As a child, I was raised to see Israel as a beacon of Enlightenment sanity in a troubled region; it was common for young people to go and do voluntary work in kibbutzim, I had many friends who did.
So for me, and many others in the West, it's heartbreaking to see what is happening. I'd say much of the anger in the West comes from the fact that we love Israel and cannot bear to see its government dragging it down into such vileness.
http://www.israelnationalnews.com/Articles/Article.aspx/15005
I live in Israel and served on active reserve duty for 20 years, a good part of it on the West Bank, and saw very little evidence of vileness, nor do I see it now. I see legitimate security measure in the face of terrorist attacks against Israel's civilian population, with all the consequent suffering this inevitably causes to the Palestinian population. You may not take Hamas seriously, or the murder of Israelis, but we do. If the Palestinians want the occupation to end, they will have to disavow terrorism and reconcile themselves to the existence of a sovereign non-Muslim state in the Middle East.
The English and the French have precious little enmity between them (far more love, I’d have thought), and I’ve never heard of modern French and English historians arguing along nationalist lines.
The opinions expressed by hard left activists, are the opinions of a tiny proportion of leftwing people in the West.
You’re probably right about people who hate Israel, but it is absurd to suggest that hatred of Israel’s actions is partly because Israel is Jewish. The reason so many in Europe single out Israel for special opprobrium when there are plenty of other countries that behave worse is the same reason that we singled out apartheid South Africa for special criticism: we are responsible for its foundation, and it claims Enlightenment legitimacy for itself - it claims to speak in our name.
To blame all the criticism of Israeli on a hatred that in part rests on Israel’s Jewishness is to give a very weak excuse for not considering those criticisms. You should stop claiming you know what motivates people you have never met and deal instead with what they are saying.
The Israel haters are a very vocal group. They never miss an opportunity to express themselves on the Internet so one knows precisely who and what they are. In fact they are always quoting one another.
I also note that criticism of Israel is not the same as Israel or Jew hatred. The giveaway is always the vehemence of the language. What is really risible is the idea that Israel's more vehement critics or haters are acting out of a sense of personal responsibility - we created you - or because Israel claims to be "enlightened" and thereby offends really enlightened people like yourself. Are you joking?
As for the substance of the criticism, which more often than not is based on newspaper headlines, television reports and quotations from second- and third-hand English-language sources produced by other Israel haters, all tempered by a very strong anti-Israel bias, and which none of the haters are equipped to verify or evaluate, I certainly address it, as I did above, and if you wish to argue any of your points substantively, I will be happy to respond.
And, yes, when you have some responsibility for something's creation, you have some responsibility for its actions; and when some entity claims to represent the values one stands for while violating them, one has a duty to protest. It was for those reasons that left wing opinion in the West was so opposed to apartheid, and that opposition contributed greatly to its demise.
Other than batting around the word apartheid (maybe trying to suggest thay Israel too is an apartheid state), I see that don't really have anything of substance to say. You seem to believe that Israel's absolute culpability goes without saying as a foregone conclusion. It does not and is not.
The fact is that your "critics" hate the idea of Israel's existence as much as its policies because they are always pointing to the great injustice done to the Palestinians by establishing the State of Israel. And then they go a step back and hate the Zionist presumption of wanting a state in the Land of Israel. And then they go another step back and deride whatever claims the Jews advanced on the basis of their historic attachment to the Land of Israel. And then they pretend that Jewish claims are based on some crazy, primitive biblical idea of God saying this or that, and so on and so forth.
By all means, let us see a link to what you consider substantive criticism of Istael that doesn't cross the line.
And once again, for someone so convinced of Israel's vileness, you are saying remarkably little of substance.
In the middle of the 19th Century, there were only a few hundred Jews in Palestine, with, dozens, at most of those Ashkenazim (ironically, Zionism was a project of Jews who'd live in Europe for a thousand or more years). The Zionist motto, 'A Land without People for People without a Land' conveniently ignored the fact that Palestine was indeed peopled, and had been for a long, long time. Any way you slice it, Zionism was a colonial project, drawing its rhetoric and methods from European ethnic nationalist movements that all-too often demonized Jews. The logic of colonialism has inevitably destroyed the early myths of secular socialism that provided the more positive aspects of early Zionism, creating an increasingly fundamentalist, hyper nationalistic entity. (Enslaving entire populations will have this effect on even the noblest values). The model for Israel is the 20th Century's most notable colonial-settler state: apartheid South Africa.
The Jewish population of the Land of Israel in 1882, before the first wave of immigration, was 24,000. Of course there was an Arab majority. So what? It was achieved through conquest. Since the total population of the country was around 300,000 in an area that today accommodates well over 10 million people and still has plenty of room, no one can be blamed for seeing it as a land without a people in the demographic sense, and all visitors to the area did in fact note that it was barely populated.
None of this is the issue. The issue is Israel's sovereignty in part of the land, which was sanctioned and legitimized by the same Powers that created the independent Arab states in the region and is justified by virtue of the historical connection of the Jewish people to the Land of Israel, which is no less valid then the Arab connection through conquest. I have the feeling that if the American Indians or Native Americans, any time in the last 60 or 70 years, had begun agitating for a state of their own out West, say in New Mexico, where they constitute 10% of the population, you would have been among the first to support them. And if the UN had proposed a partition of New Mexico, you would have supported that too. And if the Indians had proclaimed a state and the United States had invaded it after declaring that it would destroy it and massacre its population, you would have been screaming bloody murder. Tell me that isn't true.
The colonial powers in the Land of Israel were the Ottoman Turks and then the British. The Jew bought land privately in the pre-State period, did not displace Arabs, did not make laws for them, did not rule them, so what is this nonsense about colonialism? As for the West Bank settlements, as I wrote above, their final disposition will be determined in negotiations in which Israel’s opening position will be a trade-off of territory involving five percent of West Bank land and leaving three-quarters of the settlements within Israel’s new borders.
The woman doctor we saw might have been Jewish too, and after a nurse had cleaned the wound the doctor came into the cubicle just before her departure home and wished my wife well. I raised my hand to brow in salutation.
Simon Peres, whatever is said as to his politiical life and purposes has always been a hero and exemplary human being to me in his cultivated gentlemanly demeanour - a man of grace and of the Left too. I liken him to other Jewish exemplars - Leonard Woolf and Lionel Trilling; even perhaps Disraeli? May he rest in peace.
Israel and Palestine is a dire serious business but my feelings are that with more sagacious input from both sides Shalom will show us through the opening door onto safe democracy.
Thank you Joe and Fred for exchanging views so thoughtfully on this.