In Rawabi
Patrick Sykes
Even through the rose tint of my 3D glasses, the architects’ rendering of Rawabi is a dizzying sight. Their animated introductory film swoops down on the central square, where men sit with shisha pipes in one hand and iPads in the other, glamorous women go shopping, young couples stroll by, businesspeople talk on the phone, and boys and girls (with and without the hijab) play football together. At a cost of $1.2 billion, Rawabi will be Palestine’s largest ever private sector project, and its first planned city. It’s the brainchild of the US-Palestinian multimillionaire Bashar Masri, who is funding it with backing from Qatar.
In a few years, its 23 neighbourhoods will house 40,000 people, many of them attracted by the promise of new jobs in IT, education and healthcare. Apartment prices range from $80,000 to $220,000; everyone from wealthy professionals to the labourers building them have shown an interest. Six neighbourhoods are now finished, and the owners of apartments in the first two – sold at a knockdown price to get things started – have moved in.
The first phase of construction was finished in mid-2014, but the houses were empty for more than a year because Israel had refused to connect the city to the water network. It’s built on Area A of the West Bank, over which the Palestinian Authority has full control, but Rawabi’s pipes and roads go through Area C, where Israel oversees planning and security. The Israeli army may not be able to enter the city, but it can turn off the taps and block the access road at will.
Rawabi has been sold as a new Palestinian dream. The architects’ film calls it a ‘modern city’, a ‘free city’, the ‘perfect life experience’. On the ground, that translates into five-star hotels, a shopping centre ‘built in the Palestinian style’, seven cinema complexes and the largest amphitheatre in the Middle East. There’s a shortage of both housing and jobs across the West Bank, but Rawabi seems to cater for a very particular elite demographic. And its modernity looks curiously like isolation. There are separate roads for residents and visitors, and as the saleswoman who showed me round put it, ‘we provide everything you need, so you won’t have to leave.’
Ramallah is less than ten kilometres to the south, but it feels a world away. ‘Ramallah is a bubble and it’s about to explode,’ Maha, who lives in the de facto capital, told me. ‘Whatever happens here, they’ll be safe there. You won’t see chaos, you won’t see politics. It’s just a neighbourhood. Can you imagine children growing up there? They’ll think we live in peace.’ Palestinians are already isolated from the world by the occupation; Rawabi will isolate them from each other, under the glossy banner of a ‘free city’.
Residents will even be shielded from their neighbours, behind sound-insulating paint and bulletproof doors with seven locks. There is a range of wood effects to choose from. All pipes, cables and rubbish are hidden out of sight, either underground or behind closed doors; Arab towns and villages elsewere in the West Bank have water tanks on the roofs of the houses, unlike Israeli settlements, which are serviced by the Israeli state. The neighbouring communities – both Israeli and Arab – have been cropped or omitted from Rawabi’s many maps and aerial animations, which instead place the city in empty land, echoing the Zionist myth of Palestine as a ‘country without a people’. None of the 6000 houses will have a view of the Ateret settlement on the next hill.
Rawabi has been criticised for resembling an Israeli settlement with its high-rise buildings and radial boulevards. The name means ‘the hills’: throughout the West Bank, hilltops have become the reserve of settlements that claim dominion over the Arab villages below. Whether to emulate or to challenge them, Palestine’s most ambitious entrepreneurs have adopted the logic of their occupiers.
Comments
http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Op-Ed-Contributors/How-water-became-a-weapon-in-Arab-Israeli-conflict
A good first step would be for all parties to observe the rule of law, and international humanitarian law, and resolutions of the United Nations.
http://besacenter.org/mideast-security-and-policy-studies/the-israeli-palestinian-water-conflict-an-israeli-perspective-3-2/
In any case, every society deserves its upper middle class. Even the Pals.
Regarding the claim of 'Arab towns and villages elsewere in the West Bank(/Judea and Samaria) have water tanks on the roofs of the houses, unlike Israeli settlements, which are serviced by the Israeli state', those water tanks can be seen on the top (or under the roofs) of all Israeli homes, owned by Arabs and Jews, Christians, Muslims and Jews, all over Israel and even in the administered terrritories. They do not collect rain water. Rather they are storage tanks that contain water pumped up from pipes connected to Israeli or other infrastructure ands are also connected to solar heating elements to save electricity and use the sunshine with which Israel (both Jewish and Arab areas) is blessed.
I like the concept of "fist-hand knowledge of the Middle East" which nicely epitomises much of the discourse about Israel and Palestine.
Here is a link to something you may also find edifying with regard to choosing sides in the conflict:
http://www.israelnationalnews.com/Articles/Article.aspx/15005
And by the way, whether it is "unacceptable" to you or not, any historian who didn't understand the language of the country he was writing about would be laughed off the stage.
First, let me make it clear that (as should be obvious from my earlier posts) I am not writing about choosing sides.
Second, your comment about every historian having to understand the language of every country he or she writes about is indeed laughable. They must understand as much as possible, but work with reliable translations when need be.
For example, I refer you to two excellent articles about Dmitri Furman in recent issues of the LRB - http://www.lrb.co.uk/v37/n15/perry-anderson/one-exceptional-figure-stood-out is the reference to the first. To quote from Anderson's first article, Furman wrote about "China, India and ancient Israel". Are you suggesting he understood all the languages of those countries? Furman concentrated in his last few years on the history of the former Soviet republics - but the idea that he had to have every language from Armenian through Latvian and Kyrgyz to Turkmen and Ukrainian to be able to do so is indeed laughable.
What I think you are actually trying to say is that any historian or other writer who does not understand Hebrew and Arabic is disqualified from writing about the Palestine - Israel problem. That won't get us far.
But you haven't told us which independent authors you get your information from and how you evaluate or verify it.
What I object to is the idea that in some way Israel - Palestine history cannot be understood by anyone who is not directly involved, it is in some way special and different from all other history.
No, I do not intend to give you my reading list.
Yes, "hasbara" is often used in a derogatory sense, hardly surprising for a government-funded propaganda machine that does not exactly look at primary sources or offer a balanced view.
No, I am not going to give you my reading list, I do not want yet more information about me stored in the Hasbara data banks.
This dialogue is now closed, as I am travelling to the Middle East tomorrow and will have limited access to the internet.
You seem to have considerable animus toward Israel. I always wonder how people like you zero in on Israel in the world of Sudan, Rwanda, Nigeria, Serbia, Cambodia, Guatemala, Iraq, Syria, Pakistan, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Somalia, Russia, China, North Korea, Cuba, Armenia, Morocco and Azerbaizhan. Maybe when you get back from the Middle East you'll tell us how you came to pick Israel. I tried to help you understand Israel hatred a little better by giving you a link but apparently you ran away from that too.
If that's a successful comeback, do the North Koreans get a pass by saying 'Why are you picking on us and not on Sudan, Rwanda, Nigeria, Serbia, Cambodia, Guatemala, Iraq, Syria, Pakistan, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Somalia, Russia, China, Israel, Cuba, Armenia, Morocco and Azerbaizhan?'