Remember Eastern Rumelia
Glen Newey
In 1878, as the Russo-Turkish war raged and Britons feared Russian expansion, the music-hall star G.H. MacDermott was crooning the ditty that gave the word ‘jingoism’ to the language. As McDermott pointed out, ‘we’ve fought the Bear before’ and ‘we’ve got the men, we’ve got the ships, we’ve got the money too.' Now we’ve got few men, no aircraft carriers, and we’re broke. All that’s left, like a feedback screech, is the high moral tone.
A democratically elected government, albeit with a lot of blood on its hands, is ousted by an opposition that includes fascists from the Right Sector and Svoboda parties. The new junta, though not elected, is greeted by the western powers as ‘the government of Ukraine’, its foreign secretary fêted in the Europole. Russia acts to secure its strategic assets in the region, notably the Black Sea ports which it leases from Kiev; its interests also include the gas pipelines through Ukrainian territory and the many Russophones and indeed Russian nationals within Ukrainian borders. All this is strongly condemned by the US administration and legislature; and less so by the European Union. The EU has long courted Ukraine over accession, to fears from the Russophones in the east of the country. Meanwhile a hastily got-up plebiscite on Crimean sovereignty is condemned by the ‘government’ in Kiev and Euro leaders.
Thursday’s EU summit on the crisis delivered as little as one could hope for. Poland and the Baltic states, for obvious reasons, favoured a strong line, the communiqué amounted to brandishing a toothbrush. No surprises there. We in the EU need Russian gas. The EU’s trade with Russia is worth 15 times the United States'. With no European army or gunships to dispatch, threatening to cut off trade is like threatening to hit oneself in the face with a custard pie. Eurobods vow darkly to cancel the upcoming EU-Russia summit; the Kremlin must be quaking over that one.
Without the means to project force, the EU can at least indulge in the moral fantasies of the impotent. Meanwhile the US, heir to British imperial ambitions in central Asia, remains in Afghanistan and roundly condemns Russian assertiveness. Sevastopol makes for an interesting comparison with Guantánamo, another naval base leased from its host country (though Havana never cashes the cheques). That of course is in ‘America’s backyard’, which now seems to stretch over to the Aral Sea and beyond: the US, directly or via proxies, has been in Afghanistan for thirty-odd years. Russia, in invading its backyard to assert its strategic interests, has violated Ukrainian sovereignty, just as John Kennedy did at the Bay of Pigs in 1962; at least Crimea, unlike Cuba, contains a sizeable number of nationals from the invading country.
With the effortless lack of historical perspective that marks his generation of politicians, the deputy prime minister said on the telly this week that Russia was acting as though the Cold War were still raging. But Putin is more of tsar than a commissar and his ambitions are imperial. In the palmy Victorian summer, worries over Russian expansionism meant life support to the Ottomans (known, slightly incongruously, as ‘the sick man of Europe’), dust-ups in the Crimea, the ‘Great Game’ in Afghanistan, and attempts at the Congress of Berlin in 1878 to stem the tide of Pan-Slavism which, it was feared, would give the ‘Bear’ a habitat in continental Europe. At Berlin, Britain insisted on creating the pseudo-state of ‘Eastern Rumelia’ in northern Thrace as a multi-ethnic counterweight to slavic irredentism. That lasted all of seven years.
What does the EU-US endgame look like? That the Russians get out of Crimea? But there is no credible way of making them do that. To create an EU-friendly west Ukrainian statelet, or to corral both Kharkiv and Donetsk as well as Kiev into the big tent, with another state-building exercise of the kind that the West has sponsored so successfully in recent years? As the Spectator said a few years after Berlin, ‘Lord Beaconsfield's experiment has now had five years' trial, and the result is pronounced by the people of Eastern Rumelia to be a disastrous failure.’
Comments
Those Russians in Eastern Ukraine probably have snow on their boots too. Pursued by SS forces, all wearing Nazi uniforms, according to Russian News. There are many Russians who despise Putin and wish he could be quietly dispatched to Siberia but their voices are seldom heard and they have frequent encounters with KGB (or whatever it's called today) when they go out to do the shopping.
For the people in Ukraine, this whole crisis is a complete disaster. Prices are soaring, food is short and their opinion of the European gurus is rapidly turning into distrust. They actually believed that being in the EU would improve their situation.
We have long held the view that borders established by Communist dictators against the wish of the peoples concerned should be changed. That's why we now have independent and prosperous states in the Baltic region. When the people of Crimea now want to change a border established by a Communist dictator in 1954 many in the West seem to be upset. Why? We allowed the Kosovars to determine their own destiny. Crimeans should of course have the same right.
That said, if any reader is actually interested in knowing something about Eastern Rumelia, I suggest s/he might more usefully consult the studies of Richard Crampton (rather than back issues of the Spectator).
As a matter of fact, I think Newey's article was intended for Private Eye (as part of a Lord Gnome-type column).
Readers interested in the Ukranian crisis might usefully read the article by Meek in the forthcoming issue of LRB:
guido franzinetti
I don't think so. I read Snyder III and found it a joke.
The guy is a charlatan.
This is the kind of stuff one expects from the NYT or the Washington Post.
The NYRB long ago gave up on the political independence that made its name in its youth.
The same media rails against media censorship and control by various 'regimes', but the anglo-american MSM (and the French, don't know about the rest but expect no difference) play variation on a comparable theme.
The MSM in its entirety has lost legitimacy, and the bizarre 'reportage' on the Ukrainian crisis has been an acid test of its failure.
If people want white-black. good guys-bad guys stories they should be watching B-grade Westerns.
A parallel, indirectly related affair over the weekend was the University of Amherst student party being depicted nationally as "violent." I was a homeless alcoholic in Amherst for several years quite recently and these students were written about with bias and malice. The state police had clearly taken the initiative and the public diplomacy was overwhelming. Those poor students were herded mercilessly through gantlets of riot police who fired CS gas pellets at them. Not anything approaching balance in reporting with gleeful malice a clear violation of human rights.
I'm fed up with the NYRB. They often play with exile nationalisms while purporting to have a cosmopolitan point of view. They aren't very good about the current human rights and histories of African Americans and Mestizos in the US anymore.
I felt sad when the NYRB tried to stem the last Iraq War with a not querulous lonely fortitude.
On the subject of Rumelia, the name and its origins are far from obscure, and any reader of late Roman and early Byzantine history or 19th century histories of central Europe and the Balkans will understand it. As to its role as a so-called political entity resulting from decisions made at the Congress of Berlin in 1878, it was just a small part of the agreements made. Anyone aware of the region’s history (Newey?) would know that the more important decision was to assign Bosnia-Herzegovina to Austro-Hungarian “administration” on behalf of the Ottoman Empire (which raised few objections). The alternative would have been to give it to the freshly minted Serbian nation, but that would have created just as many if not more problems of local dissatisfaction, given the rough ethnic breakdown of 40% Orthodox Serbs, 40% Roman Catholic Croatians, and 20% Muslim “Bosniaks” (Slavs who also spoke Serbo-Croatian, but were the local men that counted due to their landowning status and Turkish support). Prospectively the majority of its inhabitants could expect as good if not better treatment from Vienna (though not Budapest) than from Belgrade. In any event, these were all moves made on the basis of the prestigious Bismarck’s desire not only to keep Russia out of the Balkans but also to stabilize the region sufficiently to keep Germany out of a potential clash between Russia and Austria-Hungary (“The whole of the Balkans is not worth the bones of a single Pomeranian grenadier” is the apposite quote here). This was the conservative Bismarck as peace-maker, who had already realized his main goals with the creation of Germany in 1870-71 and did not wish to rock the European and Russian boats. Is Newey’s mention of eastern Rumelia meant to enlighten us about anything – does it put the current events in “deep historical context”.
Then Newey throws in the standard boilerplate about fascist and Svoboda participation in the overthrow of Yanukovych, neglecting everyone else (the vast majority) who has participated in the movement to depose the kleptocratic thug and re-organize the basis of governance. Of course the opposition is full of blemishes – is there any political coalition or grouping that isn’t? Your referendum is my unjustified coup. The fact that there is a great deal of Western hypocrisy and ”geopolitical masquerading” in response to the events is rather irrelevant. The “anti-fascist” posture of Putin and his cronies is equally laughable – fascist methods of police-state control are quite amenable to the ex-KGB functionary that is Putin. Who was pro-Nazi when that counted for a great deal diplomatically and politically (those 22 months from Aug. 1939 to June 1941)? None other than the good old USSR, which obscured this chapter of its history as much as it could (and which its imperialist inheritors continue to do – it’s just too damned embarrassing, as is their behavior toward Poles and Poland during the war). Putin is an inheritor of memories of that balmy period of Gestapo-NKVD co-operation that must make Russian security cops weep in their vodka over their lost Paradise. The said fact of life is that there are neo-Nazi groups in both Ukraine and Russia, and they are often used as front men by “nationalists” or auxiliary cops in the latter nation.
The real problem with Newey’s blog-essay is its lack of coherent political or moral standards, made very apparent by his eclectic use of “evidence” and history.
As to the side-discussion of Timothy Snyder’s writing about Ukraine, Swedish Observer and farthington seem to have read his very “fair and balanced” pieces (too bad Fox News has ruined this phrase for common, everyday use, so that it now requires quotes around it) with their personal-redaction glasses on, since he mentioned everything they say he didn’t, and he didn’t say everything or anything they said he did. What’s that all about? Snyder, as a truly professional historian with great knowledge of the region, knows just how messy its history has been and how the “uses and abuses of history” are undertaken by politicians and polemicists.
To sum up. Ukraine is not really a place or a situation in which the US or UK has any serious or necessary standing – their involvement should be peripheral and in the nature of diplomatic pressure on both sides to find a peaceful solution, if that is all possible. Russia, of course, has “standing” but it will doubtlessly use this to mask its real power-grabbing motives, so all declarations of its motives and goals have to be taken with a ton of salt. But to expect the Eastern flank of the EU not to get excited or anxious about Russian intentions is also ridiculous, given the malign role that nation has played in their own nations’ histories, just up to yesterday, as it were.
The post is not particularly pro-Putin and I did not describe him as 'anti-fascist' as Mr Rogers implies. Putin has however consistently outthought western leaders, in the Ukraine and elsewhere. It's certainly no surprise that eastern EU states are nervous about Putin, but the EU has helped to bring this situation about through its aggressive courtship of Ukrainian accession, which was never going to play well either in Moscow or among ethnic Russians in the south and east of the Ukraine. EU diplomacy on this has been cack-handed at best.
Violence is often a bad thing, though the level of it has been pretty low compared with, say, the DRC recently and there is an obvious pragmatic contradiction in the idea of using force to achieve it. The idea that 'we' – the plenipotentiaries, the self-identified good guys – have to 'do something' even if that means making things worse, is pretty hard to shift. The Eastern Rumelian lesson, which I stand by, is that remote-action state-building as a way of scratching the itch to act is doomed to failure: the just deserts of stupidity.
The reason I accused you of relativism is because one of your central points is clearly 'how can we criticise Russia - look at all the bad things others have done' - and that you focus only on the criticisms of Russia made by those who are themselves morally suspect. As your reply demonstrates, you make all sorts of telling assumptions that anyone who see's Russia's actions as illegitimate and dangerous must therefore want 'action' to be taken by the west, that they they see 'us' as the good guys, that they have 'righteous certitude' - it is always the mark of relativism that every other view must be that of a fundamentalist.
The reality is I would like nothing more than to see all states, especially America, held to the moral standards that Russia has clearly contravened here. I just dont see how claiming that those standards dont apply, or at least apply less, because they have been contravened before by others, does anything other than make that less likely. Presumably the next time America "acts to secure its strategic assets in the region", we can expect a similar article, dispassionately laying out how Russia did the same in Crimea, so its all just fine really.
I certainly dont think you are a moral relativist - as I pointed out, its not necessary to hold pure and simple moral principles to avoid relativism - there is more than one way to be wrong! Where you and Mr Newey differ - and why I accuse him of relativism - is that he selects very specific historical examples as a way only of excusing the actions of Russia, and ignores those that dont. You on the other hand have demonstrated an admirably in depth knowledge of the situation, and rather than using this to bemoan how complicated the situation is, have still drawn conclusions about the realtive merits of different actors actions, where it can fairly be done. In truth I think we are mostly in agreement - certainly I dont wish for war or military action of any action of any type. Then again, neither do I wish for Russia to be excused criticism or punishment of other types, because those with the particular political persuasion like Mr Newey prefer only to criticise America.